Politics
Political Parties In Africa’s Democratisation Process
L. Maseko
Below is the text of a paper presented by Hon. L. Maseko, Speaker of the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, South Africa, at the 40th CPA Africa Region Conference, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria.
African political parties emerged under colonial rule, which was neither democratic nor legitimate. It was a system where political parties operated outside the electoral and parliamentary cycle. During this period, political parties existed mainly because of the quest for independence and self-rule. When the Aft-icon countries obtained their independence from the imperialists, politics began to change and, accordingly, political parties changed in their nature and management. Another factor that influenced the emergence of African political parties relates to the influence of Western political institutions. Having noted that the quest for independence was inevitable, this opened up on opportunity for western political parties to introduce Africans to Western political institutions. It is also observed that in the urge to leave behind political institutions similar to their own institutions the departing colonial government decided to export to Africa their peculiar version of parliamentary government.
In post-independence political development, the evolution of political parties also took the form of establishing political parties based on ethnic lines.
2. Role Played by Political Parties in Democratization
A number of African liberation movements declared themselves political parties on the eve of independence from colonial rule. These political parties occupy a special place in the sentiments of the people with whom they struggled for liberation. African political parties, especially those that were liberation movements, were the main mechanisms and also participants in the transition from colonial rule to majority rule. Political parties play an important role in the market place of political ideas and opinions from different ideological perspectives, which is important in the founding and consolidation of democratic systems of governance. Political parties play a very important role in setting up institutional frameworks and the competitive environment that makes this struggle for power more human and accessible to all.
To this end, they contributed in one of the following ways:
· Political parties have managed to endow regimes with legitimacy.
· They aggregate diverse demands into coherent political pro-grammes.
· They became the principal actors in the electoral system.
· They are the vehicles for the recruitment of credible political leadership.
· Parties are the avenues for participation in the political process.
· They provide ideologies that represent social, economic and political interests.
· In some countries on the continent, some political parties have been active not only in political mobilization but also in mobilization of activities for conflict management.
· They provide political stability in societies able to absorb increasing levels of political participation by the new social forces generated by modernization.
3. Political Parties in Governance
The promotion and building of democracy and good governance has been a key element in strategies of majority rule focusing on highlighting the brood-ranging obligations of governments to their constituencies.
The democratic dispensation has also ushered in new debates by political parties on how best to design and ensure that constitutions facilitate democratic governance, protect human rights and other rights that characterize Africa’s complex post-colonial societies. The constitution in the post-democratic era has also been used as a tool to engineer political succession.
4. Review of the Existing African Political Systems
Political parties compete with each other for the public vote and, because they should adhere to the rules of the electoral game, they enter into complex relations with their internal and external environment and with other political parties. In general, there are four types of political systems in operation on the African Continent. These include:
· One-party system.
· Two-party system.
· Dominant-party system.
Multiparty systems.
4.1. One Party state System
This system distinguishes between political systems in which a single party enjoys the monopoly of power to the exclusion of all other parties by political or constitutional means and those that are characterized by a competitive struggle between a number of parties.
One party systems were associated with anti-colonial nationalism and state consolidation in the developing world.
4.2 Two Party State System
A two-party system is duopolistic in that two major parties that have a roughly equal prospect of winning government power dominate it. In its classical form, a two-party system can be identified by three criteria, as explained below: Although a number of ‘minor’ parties may exist, only two parties enjoy sufficient electoral and legislative strength to have a realistic prospect of winning government power. The larger party is able to rule alone, usually on the basis of a legislative majority and the other provides the opposition. Power alternates between these parties, both are electable, with the opposition serving as a government in the wings.
A number of observations have been made about the two state party system on the African continent, namely:
· That the system is not immune to engendering severe conflicts, leading to state collapse, particularly in situations where the ethnic advantage of one political party over the other may lead to the opposition becoming impatient and resorting to the military as a way of advancing civilian politics.
· That the system does not always translate into high chances of developing into a multi-party system or a dominant-party system.
4.3 Dominant Party System
The dominant-party system is different from the one-party system, although it may at times exhibit similar characteristics. A dominant-party system is competitive in the sense that a number of parties compete for power in regular and popular elections, but is dominated by a single major party that consequently enjoys prolonged periods in power. One of the observations that can be made regarding the dominant party system, is that:
· Dominant parties in their nature can monopolize the low making process to promote the predominant party’s economic and social interests.
4.4 Multi Party System
Multi-party democracy is assuming increasing currency in the South as well as the North. The wisdom of multi-party democracy has been the subject of debate in a number of fora. As yet there is no absolute consensus on the merits or demerits of the system.
Multipartism is characterized by competition between more than two parties, thus reducing the chances of single-party government and increasing the likelihood of coalitions.
There are a variety of permutations under the multi-party system .
The multi-party system is predominant in many African countries, including Nigeria, Zambia, Tanzania, Malawi and South Africa. The South African case study illustrates this point. It is a multi-party system based on proportional representation in which elections are held every 5 years.
In the run-up to the April 2009 elections, there were 117 registered political parties of which 27 parties contested for the 2009 April general elections. Out of a population of 47 million, 23 million were registered voters. There was a 78 per cent voter turnout. 14 parties won seats in the Notional Assembly.
Although this reflects political interest in the democratization of the state and society, there is no guarantee that South Africa is now a matured democracy. It does not follow that the more parties you have in the political competition, the more civil participation you will have.
It is worth noting that up until 2006, Uganda did not have a multi-party system of democracy instead, during elections, they had their members of parliament standing as independent candidates and directly elected by their constituencies. From a non-party political system to a situation of over 30 registered political parties is indicative of an established trend towards a multi-party democracy on the continent.
One of the main functions of political parties is to maintain themselves as organizations capable of contesting elections, maintaining their membership and supporting their MPs. This is to ensure that, when they become the governing party, their political programmes and election promises are acted upon and implemented.
Parties are also involved in maintaining contact with an increasing number of party to party, regional and global networks, and working with special interest groups, such as young people, women, trade unions and civil society organisations.
Political parties operate within the context of external regulations and on environment that either enhances or inhibits their effectiveness. The Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance has identified a number of factors in the external regulatory environment that affect parties. These include registration and de-registration of parties, election lows and/or party low, the prevailing electoral system, the parliamentary system and party funding.
The parliamentary system is another external factor influencing the way parties operate. Another external factor for party operations relates to funding of political activities. In order to perform their tasks, political parties need to source funding. However, the reality is that most countries lock financial resources, which prevents certain groups and leaders from political participation through representation.
Management of the internal affairs of parties is on important yardstick for measuring the extent to which intra-party democracy is deepened. The management of political parties involves the day to day running of party affairs, building of notional, provincial, district, community and village branches of parties. This involves the development of manifestos and programmes, as well as the organization of regular party meetings and conferences. In terms of their internal processes, political parties are required to have a constitution.
6. Funding of Political Parties
Political parties ought to be institutions of democracy. A democratic state stands to benefit from strong and vibrant political parties. Their existence and effectiveness is the responsibility of the state and should be funded by the fiscus. Such funds may be utilized to inter alia:
· Promote national unity and notional symbols,
· Promote the Constitution
· Promote civic education
· Strengthen party administration, research and policy development
In other parliaments, parties represented in parliament receive funding from the National Revenue Fund which is appropriated to on independent institution, such as the Independent Electoral Commission for the management and distribution thereof.
There al-e currently identifiable models for political party funding applied by different countries of Africa such as appropriation of budgets to the legislature for distribution, party subscriptions fees by rank and file of the party, donor funding and private contributions through fund raising strategies. All the funds raised get accounted for in accordance with existing regulations both in the parliamentary processes and party financial management systems and policies. How parties are financed has great impact on the functionality and ideological independence emanating from external forces with ulterior motives.
Let me add that, non-governmental organizations, such as the Institute for Security Studies (15S) and the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), have proposed that Parliament introduces regulations to disclose the private funding of political parties. Discussions are still taking place in this regard.
7. Current Challenges Faced by Different Political Parties
Internal party democracy in relation to leadership and candidate selection seems to pose a challenge. Ethnic and regional influence and patronage all affect the internal party democracy as political parties become democratic institutions and instruments for the recruitment of democratic leaders. Internal party democracy in terms of candidate selection and leadership contestation seems to pose a serious challenge, as some tend to refuse to relinquish power.
The problem of transparency and accountability is still for from being achieved it the current epoch as political parties al-e not regulated to disclose their sources of funding. Most of these challenges mortally attract political parties to corruption tendencies and exacerbate the culture of patronage towards other individuals.
Leadership succession and crisis in politics seems to be the major setback confronting African political parties due to a lack of party constitutional provisions that restrict their office to a specific number of terms.
The issue of women representation and political party leadership is still a serious problem to African political parties. In on effort to respond to a call of women empowerment most of the political parties still do not hove any constitutional provisions that force them to determine women representation.
As a way of trying to redefine the role of political parties in the current epoch, most of the energies need to be channeled towards the followings areas:
· There should be continuous debate on how African political parties function in order to gain full understanding of their governability and the extent to which their operations conform to democratic governance ethos.
. Political parties need to constitutionalise the issues of the regulation of their funding, as this is consistent with transparency and accountability.
· Political parties need to respond to the call for women empowerment by providing constitutional provisions.
· African political parties need to consider mechanisms for succession planning in leadership.
African political parties need to hold all public regard to the feasibility of their representatives accountable with implementation of policies and the manifestos.
Political parties are key to good governance and nurturing of democracy. It should be acknowledged that some countries on the Continent are striving towards the achievement of good governance and the consolidation of democracy. However, the development of a truly democratic culture has not taken root in other countries. Democracy at the macro level still remains work in progress requiring refinement and reforms along the way. Similarly, t’
intra-party democracy will remain work in progress as parties continually build their institutional structures and their operational effectiveness.

Prof. Maurice Iwu, INEC boss
Politics
CSO Seeks Review Of Judgment Sacking Zamfara Rep For Joining APC
Operating under the umbrella of the Coalition of Civil Society Network, the group described the ruling delivered by Justice Obiora Egwuatu as unfair and contrary to the spirit of democracy, urging the judiciary to consider the will of the people in its final determination of the matter.
Justice Obiora Egwuatu of the Federal High Court, Abuja, had on Thursday, October 30, sacked Gummi for defecting from the PDP, which sponsored his election, to the APC.
In his ruling, Justice Egwuatu held that it was morally wrong for a politician to transfer votes from one political party to another, stating that “political prostitution must not be rewarded.”
He declared that voters elect candidates based on the manifestos and ideals of their political parties. Therefore, it was both legally and morally unacceptable for an elected official to abandon that platform without relinquishing the mandate.
The court also restrained the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, from recognising Hon. Gummi as a member of the House, and ordered him to refund all salaries and allowances received from October 30, 2024, to the date of judgment.
Justice Egwuatu further directed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct a fresh election within 30 days to fill the vacant seat.
The suit, marked FHC/ABJ/CS/1803/2024, was filed by the PDP and its Zamfara State chairman, Jamilu Jibomagayaki, who argued that Hon. Gummi’s defection violated Section 68(1)(g) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), as there was no division within the PDP to justify his action.
But convener of the coalition, Lukman Muhammad, who addressed journalists at a press conference in Abuja on Saturday, said Hon. Gummi’s defection was a direct result of the unresolved internal crisis within the PDP, which, according to him, crippled the lawmaker’s ability to effectively represent his constituents.
He said: “We believe the court’s decision was unjust and failed to consider the circumstances surrounding Hon. Gummi’s defection. Gummi’s decision to join the APC was necessitated by the unresolved internal crisis within the PDP, which hindered his ability to effectively represent his constituents.
“We affirm that Hon. Gummi’s right to choose his political affiliation is protected by the Constitution and should be respected. We stand for democracy and the rule of law, while also urging the judiciary to consider the will of the people and the greater good”.
He urged Justice Egwuatu to review the judgment, stressing that the ruling could set a dangerous precedent that undermines the principle of fair representation and the rights of elected officials.
The coalition further noted that the judgment has broader implications for Nigeria’s democratic process, as it raises questions about the extent to which lawmakers can exercise their constitutional freedom of association without fear of losing their mandate.
Politics
PDP, NNPP, Others Blame Tinubu For Defections To APC
The parties stated that the APC was on the verge of collapse following the recent wave of defections from opposition parties into its ranks.
In separate interviews with The Tide source, spokespersons for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP) —Debo Ologunagba, Oladipo Johnson, and Mark Adebayo – respectively, said an implosion was imminent in the APC.
But the APC Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, stated that recent defections to the party were voluntary and inspired by the ruling party’s achievements, not through coercion. He added that the APC was well-structured, capable of managing its internal affairs effectively, and therefore would not experience any internal crisis.
In recent months, the ruling APC has continued to receive several high-profile politicians from opposition parties, particularly the PDP. Among those who have joined the APC are Akwa Ibom State Governor, Umo Eno, Delta State Governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, and the PDP’s 2023 vice-presidential candidate, Ifeanyi Okowa.
Most recently, members of the Enugu State Executive Council defected to the APC, a move followed by Governor Peter Mbah’s official declaration for the ruling party on October 14 in Enugu.
On October 15, Bayelsa State Governor, Douye Diri, announced his resignation from the PDP. Although he has yet to join another party, speculation is rife that he is on his way to the APC.
Similarly, Taraba State Governor, Agbu Kefas, confirmed last Wednesday that he would be joining the APC.
Numerous other politicians, including several lawmakers, have also abandoned their parties to align with the ruling APC.
In his reaction, Hon. Ologunagba predicted an imminent crisis within the APC, expressing confidence that those who defected would eventually return to the PDP.
He stated, “This is the major political party (PDP), and it is the only democratic party in the country. It has structures cutting across all the local governments, all the wards, and of course all the states. In every home, there are members of the PDP, and that is why the APC are jittery, and that is why they are coercing our members, using state resources and state agencies to force members of opposition parties to join the ruling party.
“But in all this, we are sure and confident that very soon, the APC will implode because it is a multipurpose political vehicle that is not going to last. It is going to implode.
“Many Nigerians will see through it and know that the party is not a political party that protects the interests of the citizens. So, they are going to leave the party and move to the major political party, which is the PDP. We are optimistic that before 2027, many Nigerians will join us because this is the truly democratic party and the only party that is out there to protect their interests.”
On his part, Mr Johnson of the NNPP lamented that the wave of defections posed a serious threat to the country’s democracy.
Mr Johnson said, “This is bad for democracy. For our type of democracy, it is important to have a proper and effective opposition. Already, we’ve seen a blurring of lines between the legislature and the executive; some would even say the judiciary. I hope not. I think many people are observing the trend and are unhappy. However, we need to be a bit more patient and see what happens soon.
“When the PDP was in power for 16 years, it was the party many people rushed into. Over time, it imploded, and many of those who joined it turned against it. So, I see that happening to the ruling APC. Definitely. This is because of the nature of Nigerian politicians; many are driven by personal interests. I always say that Nigeria can never truly be a one-party state. Even if only one party exists, it will become factionalised, with different interests and power blocs. Those pushing the country toward a one-party system may not have studied Nigeria’s political history carefully.”
In his remarks, CUPP’s Adebayo stated that the pattern of defections among politicians, particularly governors and lawmakers, was a deliberate strategy by the ruling party to transform the country into a one-party state.
Mr Adebayo said, “It is not accidental; it is a deliberate and strategic effort to entrench a one-party dictatorship. Whether these defections are forced or coerced, one thing is clear: it is an intentional action driven by the ruling party, particularly the President.
“This development is unhealthy for our democracy. It is shameful and stands against everything democratic principles represent. It is inimical to the growth and development of Nigeria as a democratic nation and poses a grave threat to our political stability.
“The implosion of the APC will come before or once it loses power. Most Nigerian politicians lack ideological grounding or principles; their loyalty lies only with the party in power. Political affiliation is tied to ideology and conviction, not convenience. However, the ideology of most politicians is simply the ruling party. If tomorrow the ADC, Labour Party, or SDP wins the presidency, many of these same politicians will abandon the APC overnight. They have no shame, no conviction, and no conscience. Their only motivation is proximity to power.”
In response, Mr Ibrahim of the APC maintained the APC would not face any internal crisis, asserting that it has the capacity to effectively manage its affairs, unlike the opposition.
He stated, “The fact that the opposition are not organised and they cannot organise primaries, neither can they manage their parties, does not mean we are on the same boat with them. Our party, the APC, has been conducting primaries successfully and rancor-free.
“So, the fact that they don’t know how to manage their party does not mean that is the way we run our own party. The APC does not coerce anyone to join. Those joining are doing so willingly because of President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope achievements. Our party is fully prepared. It’s not going to implode; it’s not going to have any issues similar to the issues they have been having.”
Politics
Ndume Blames FG, Senate For Nigeria’s ‘Country Of Particular Concern’ Designation By Trump
Senator Ndume, in a statement on Saturday in Abuja, accused both the executive and legislative arms of complacency, saying their failure to proactively engage the United States government on the alleged persecution of Christians in Nigeria led to the development.
The senator recalled that he had earlier sponsored a motion in the Senate on “Christian genocide” in the country. The motion, he said, led to resolutions mandating the Nigerian government to engage the U.S. with verified facts and figures.
President Trump, last Friday, announced the designation of Nigeria as a ‘Country of Particular Concern’ over alleged persecution of Christians.
President Trump made the announcement via a post on his Truth Social platform, which was also shared on the official White House X handle.
“Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter,” President Trump wrote.
But the Nigerian government swiftly rejected the claims, insisting that President Trump’s assessment did not reflect the true situation in the country.
However, Senator Ndume accused the President Tinubu’s administration and the Senate of treating the allegation raised by US lawmaker, Riley Moore, with complacency, prior to President Trump’s declaration, and urged the federal government to take urgent steps to engage the US government with facts and figures on the activities of terrorists organisations which, he noted, were blind to faith.
“I have alerted the government, I even moved a motion. Nigeria is a sovereign state, it isn’t about what the United States can do to us, but about the misconception and the ripple effects of classifying us as a country of concern.
“We should engage the American government by presenting facts and figures. By engaging the US government, we should demand that they hear the other side of the story from the Nigerian government and the Muslim community. Muslims have been killed too. The genocide isn’t against Christians but Nigerians generally,” he said.
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