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2023: Aso Villa, Not Sick Bay

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Even as its clinic may possess some of the best health facilities a Third World state house can possibly afford, I still doubt that the Aso Rock Presidential Villa in Abuja was designed to cope with some of the serious medical conditions our leaders discreetly convey to the place.
Chapter IV, Part I, Section 131 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended) spells out the requirements for election to the Office of the President. They are as follows: citizenship of Nigeria by birth; attainment of 35 years of age; membership of a political party which must be the sponsoring party; and education up to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.
But even a possession of all these still does not qualify anybody who engages in any one of a plethora of some other never-dos, including presentation of a forged certificate to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Or, election to such office at any two previous elections. Or even failing to resign from a civil or public service position at least 30 days before election. Disappointingly, in all of the nearly one dozen of these extra conditions, only one directly pertains to a candidate’s health status. And what does it say? Quite simply put – that the person is not adjudged to be a lunatic or otherwise declared to be of unsound mind. Really? Not even through a mandatory professional psychiatric evaluation? Haba, Nigeria!
I still recall that, as a prospective student seeking admission into a unity school in 1974, I was required to present a medical examination report from a government hospital. Also, as a JAMBite five years later, I was requested to go for medicals at my university’s medical centre. And of course, I couldn’t have secured my present employment in the civil service without satisfying a similar condition. It is also common knowledge that this is equally applicable in reputable private sector organisations. So, how come students and workers in Nigeria are required to compulsorily undergo medical examinations to ascertain their fitness for the tasks ahead whereas no such condition is listed for a prospective occupant of the highest and most prestigious office in the land? Have Nigerians opted to remain this naïve or are we indeed a cursed people?
Even in the twilight of military dictatorship in this country, it was mostly a handover of power from one sick leader to the other. In short, of the seven Nigerian heads of government that have so far taken up residence in the Aso Rock Villa since General Ibrahim Babangida hurriedly relocated the seat of power from Lagos in 1991(after a serious jolt from the Major Gideon Orkar-led coup the previous year), only General Abubakar Abdulsalami and Dr Goodluck Jonathan had stepped in there looking healthy and also exited the place in seeming good health.
Babangida was already on record as having been seriously injured in 1969 when a battalion he led encountered heavy Biafran offensive during a reconnaissance operation somewhere between Enugu and Umuahia. He was said to have declined surgery to remove a bullet shrapnel from his knee. But several years later, while in the Villa, the self-styled Evil Genius was known to have alternately travelled to France and Germany to seek medical relief. There were several pictures showing when he got stuck in-between strides with his trade mark gap-toothed smile failing to hide the agonies of a Nigerian military president. It was really pitiable, to say the least.
Next was his successor, late Gen. Sani Abacha, whom the then radical Tell magazine on September 8, 1997 reported as suffering from liver cirrhosis – a serious condition that often results to death. While Abacha’s secret police went after the magazine’s editor, Nosa Igiebor, and members of his household, The News, another dare-devil publication, picked up from where the former left off – reporting how medical experts were secretly flown in from Israel and Saudi Arabia to tend the nation’s seriously ailing but still pretentious generalissimo. Even marabouts from some North African countries were rumoured to have been brought in to pray for him. He reportedly died of suspected food poisoning in the hands of some young Indian belly dancers in 1998.
Abacha was succeeded by Abdulsalami whose administration is still reputed to be the second military regime (after Obasanjo’s in 1979) to successfully complete a transition process and hand over power to a civilian democracy in Nigeria. For want of a trusted person who would serve to assuage the Yoruba over Abiola’s death while in detention, Obasanjo was literally released from certain death (sorry, prison yard) by Abdulsalami to run for election on the ticket of the new Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), after the demise of Abacha who had incarcerated him for joining his NADECO Yoruba brethren to criticise the late general’s regime. Frankly speaking, and to those who knew him while he reigned as military head of state, Obasanjo was still a shadow of his former self when he moved into the Presidential Villa in 1999.
Then entered Alhaji Umar Yar’Adua and, a little later, General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) both of whose checkered medical stories we already know.
Now, with the 2023 General Elections fast approaching, there have been moves – even if still hazy – by individuals and groups touting the names of their political godfathers as promising presidential hopefuls. But I am seriously concerned that one or two of those names belong to persons who are already as old, sickly and looking worse than the incumbent president’s condition when he returned from his 50-day extended medical vacation in 2017. At that time, Buhari had looked rather too ghostlike that some Nigerians doubted their president and began to reconsider detained IPOB leader, Nnamdi Kanu’s Radio Biafra description of him as a surrogate Jubril from Sudan.
For me, and regardless of their professed leadership acumen, any seriously ailing Nigerian politician who conceals his affliction while campaigning to occupy the Aso Villa is like a confirmed HIV patient who opts to proceed on a raping spree. It is the height of corruption, criminality and wickedness.
Fellow Nigerians (yes, let me sound like them), there is no better time to wake up to this ugly reality than now. We’ve had it up to our neck. Thank you.

By: Ibelema Jumbo

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Opinion

NDDC: Time To Illuminate Homes 

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Quote:“Twenty-five years on, the Niger Delta cannot celebrate illuminated streets while families sit in darkness. Development must begin inside the home — where children study, businesses grow, and lives are built — before it glows on the roadside.”
The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in 2000 with a clear and urgent mandate: to facilitate the rapid, even, and sustainable development of Nigeria’s oil-producing Niger Delta region. The creation of the Commission followed decades of agitation over environmental degradation, infrastructural neglect, and socio-economic marginalization in the region. Its core mandate included the development of roads, bridges, electricity, water supply, health facilities, education, housing, environmental remediation, and economic empowerment initiatives. At inception, expectations were high that the Commission would transform the Niger Delta into a model of regional development. Over the years, the NDDC has indeed implemented numerous projects across the nine Niger Delta states. Roads have been constructed and rehabilitated in several communities, easing transportation challenges.
Schools have been renovated, and new classroom blocks have been provided in underserved areas. Health centres have been built or upgraded, improving access to primary healthcare services. The Commission has also awarded scholarships to students, including foreign postgraduate scholarships, empowering thousands of youths academically.Skills acquisition and youth empowerment programmes have helped many young people gain vocational competencies.Through various interventions, the NDDC has contributed to job creation and local economic stimulation.Solar-powered street lighting projects have been widely implemented in urban and semi-urban communities. These streetlights have improved visibility at night and contributed to enhanced security in some areas. Markets, highways, and public spaces illuminated by solar lights have experienced extended business hours.
For these efforts, the Commission deserves acknowledgment and commendation. However, development must always align with foundational mandates and pressing grassroots realities. A growing concern among residents is that while streets are illuminated, many homes remain in darkness. Rural electrification and household power access remain inconsistent and inadequate across large parts of the region. In riverine and remote communities, families still rely on generators, kerosene lamps, or complete darkness after sunset. The irony of brightly lit streets juxtaposed with powerless homes cannot be ignored. Electricity at the household level directly impacts education, health, and small-scale enterprise. Students cannot effectively study at night without reliable indoor lighting.Families cannot preserve food or power essential appliances without stable electricity.
Micro and small businesses struggle to grow without dependable energy access. While street lighting enhances public aesthetics and security, it does not substitute for domestic electrification. The proverb “charity begins at home” is especially relevant in this context. True community development must first empower households before beautifying public spaces. The Commission’s original mandate emphasizes integrated and sustainable development, not isolated infrastructural gestures. Balanced development requires that energy interventions prioritize homes alongside streets. Solar technology presents a unique opportunity for decentralized household electrification in off-grid communities. Extending solar solutions to individual homes would have a transformative social impact. Home-based solar systems could power lights, fans, small appliances, and communication devices.
Such interventions would reduce poverty, improve living standards, and stimulate grassroots productivity. By broadening its energy focus, the Commission would better reflect the spirit of its founding legislation. This is not a call to abandon street lighting projects, which have their merits. Rather, it is an appeal for balance, inclusivity, and alignment with core developmental objectives. Strategic planning should ensure that rural electrification and household access form a central pillar of ongoing interventions. Community engagement and needs assessments can help determine priority areas for household solar deployment. Twenty-five years after its establishment, the NDDC stands at a reflective moment in its institutional journey. The people of the Niger Delta say: thank you for the efforts so far—but not very much—because true appreciation will come when development begins at home and radiates outward, not merely when streets shine while houses remain in darkness.
By: King Onunwor
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Opinion

When Democracy Becomes Too Expensive

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Quote: “When elections become investments to be recovered, governance turns transactional and the moral foundation of democracy begins to erode.”
The high cost of participating in politics in Nigeria remains a serious and growing concern. The trend is rising so sharply that democratic competition increasingly risks becoming the preserve of a wealthy few. From exorbitant party nomination fees to campaign logistics, media exposure, litigation expenses, and regulatory charges such as the proposed ?150 million campaign advertising permit reportedly introduced in Enugu under Governor Peter Mbah, the financial barriers to public office are steadily hardening. If not addressed, this trajectory could erode inclusion, weaken electoral credibility, and deepen corruption within the political system.
Money has always played a role in politics. Elections require funding for mobilisation, communication and administration, while political parties need resources to organise primaries and reach voters across the nation’s diverse terrain. However, when financial demands become excessive, they cease to be necessities and instead become structural barriers that exclude capable citizens from participation.
The Enugu situation provides a troubling case study. Reports indicate that the Enugu State Structures for Signage and Advertisement Agency (ENSSAA) announced a mandatory ?150 million advertising permit fee for parties and candidates participating in the 2026 local government and 2027 general elections. According to the agency’s General Manager, Francis Aninwike, the fee would permit deployment of campaign materials — banners, branded vehicles, T-shirts and handbills — and street rallies, with sanctions for non-compliance.
One is compelled to ask: how can someone vying for office be required to pay ?150 million merely as an advertising permit, separate from nomination forms and other logistics? Where would a civil servant, a teacher earning N70,000 minimum wage, or a young graduate eager to serve find such a sum? How can ordinary citizens compete in a system demanding such staggering outlays?
An opposition party has described the steep fee as a ploy by the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Enugu State to stifle opposition participation. Whether sustained or not, the perception is damaging. Aside from incumbents or those backed by powerful interests, how many candidates can realistically afford ?150 million solely for advertising clearance?
There is no dispute that state agencies have legitimate responsibilities. Regulating outdoor advertising and preventing visual pollution are valid objectives. However, such regulation should not come at a heavy cost to Nigeria’s fragile democracy. The Aninwike-led ENSSAA and similar bodies must recognise that while regulation is necessary, affordability is essential for democratic participation.
The constitutional framework recognises the central role of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in ensuring free and fair elections. Yet formal administration is only part of the democratic equation. Informal financial pressures — delegate inducements, media monetisation, security logistics and post-election litigation — already multiply the cost of contesting beyond official limits. Massive campaign-related fees further compound an expensive process.
Recent findings presented at a policy engagement organised by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy in Abuja underscored the gravity of the situation. House of Representatives Minority Leader Kingsley Chinda warned that Nigerian politics is becoming an elite preserve in which only those with deep pockets can compete. Access to vast financial resources, he argued, has become a near precondition for political viability, transforming what should be a civic right into an expensive venture.
He noted that politics in Nigeria has been thoroughly monetised, systematically pricing out women, youth and persons with disabilities — the very groups policy frameworks claim to uplift.
The implications are disturbing. In a context where elections are viewed as investments, public office becomes a site of capital recovery. Contracts are inflated, appointments monetised, and governance turns transactional. What emerges is a vicious cycle: only the wealthy can contest, and once in office, they seek to recoup their investment, deepening public cynicism and eroding the moral basis of governance.
Although some parties waived nomination fees for women in 2017 and 2023, and parties such as the Young Progressive Party were formed to promote youth participation, exorbitant campaign expenditures continue to sideline many aspirants. Women accounted for only about 8.4 per cent of candidates in the 2023 general elections, with similarly low youth representation.
The cumulative effect is dangerous. When political entry is determined primarily by financial capacity rather than competence or vision, the recruitment pool narrows drastically. Talented professionals and grassroots organisers may never appear on ballots simply because they cannot afford the price of entry. A system that filters out merit while rewarding wealth weakens governance outcomes.
Nigeria must therefore treat rising electoral costs not as routine complaints but as democratic stability concerns. Political parties should drastically reduce nomination fees, especially for women, youth and persons with disabilities. Transparent fundraising and spending disclosures should replace opaque financing structures.
Regulatory agencies must balance administrative control with democratic openness. Campaign advertising fees should be proportionate and structured in ways that do not create artificial barriers. INEC and other enforcement institutions must strengthen monitoring of spending ceilings and apply meaningful sanctions for violations.
Civil society, the media and professional bodies also have critical roles to play. Public discourse should prioritise issue-based campaigns rather than money-driven spectacle.
Ultimately, democracy thrives not merely when elections are conducted, but when they are genuinely accessible. Political participation must remain a civic right, not a luxury commodity. Nigeria’s democratic journey cannot afford to drift into a system where leadership selection depends primarily on financial muscle rather than merit and service.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Righteous Leadership Still Thrives

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Quote: “Institutional decay is not irreversible when integrity and action sit at the helm.”
In every institution, there comes a defining moment when leadership either deepens decline or inspires rebirth. For the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation (Publishers of The Tide), that defining moment arrived when the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Information, Sir. Honour Sirawoo Ph.D, came to share the premises with the Staff of The Corporation due to the ongoing renovation work at the State Secretariat. For years, the physical condition of the corporation mirrored the uncertainty that hung in the air. Leaking roofs told silent stories during the rainy season, damaged floors bore the weight of neglect, and the once vibrant environment seemed to plead for urgent attention. Staff members worked under conditions that tested both resilience and commitment. Buckets placed strategically to catch dripping water became a routine sight at some quarters, while cracked tiles and weathered walls diminished the pride that should accompany service in a state-owned media institution.
Yet, in the midst of these challenges, hope was not entirely lost. There remained a collective belief that with purposeful leadership, restoration was possible. That hope found expression when Honour Sirawoo Ph.D., Permanent Secretary in the Rivers State Ministry of Information, assumed as a co-occupier. His arrival was quiet, but his impact would soon resonate loudly across the premises.Leadership, it is often said, is not about occupying an office but about occupying responsibility. From his earliest inspections of the corporation’s facilities, it became evident that he saw not just buildings in disrepair, but a workforce deserving of dignity.The transformation began swiftly. Contractors appeared on site. Assessments were carried out with precision. Plans were not merely announced; they were implemented. Leaking roofs that had long defied repair were carefully amended.
For the first time in years, staff could listen to rainfall without anxiety. Damaged floors were reconstructed, restoring both safety and aesthetics. Walking through the corridors no longer required cautious navigation around broken surfaces. The fencing of the premises, once a pressing security concern, became a priority. A properly secured environment now speaks of order, responsibility, and foresight. General maintenance, often overlooked in public institutions, was institutionalized. From structural reinforcements to aesthetic upgrades, the corporation began to wear a new look. But beyond bricks and mortar, something deeper changed. Morale improved. Staff productivity increased. The psychological boost of working in a conducive environment cannot be overstated. The transformation has not merely been cosmetic; it has been cultural.
 Workers now speak with renewed pride about their workplace. Visitors to the premises have noticed the difference. The once tired-looking structures now stand as testimony to what decisive leadership can accomplish. In governance, righteousness is reflected in fairness, diligence, and a genuine concern for people. These virtues have characterized the stewardship of Honour Sirawoo Ph.D.His approach demonstrates that public office is a sacred trust, not a ceremonial title. He has shown that administrative leadership can be both compassionate and result-driven.The improvements at the corporation align with a broader vision of strengthening information dissemination in Rivers State. A vibrant media institution is essential for democratic growth.By restoring the physical infrastructure of The Tide, he has indirectly strengthened the voice of the state. Journalists and editors now operate in an atmosphere that encourages excellence.
It is often said that environment influences output. The recent editions and renewed energy within the newsroom reflect this truth. When righteous leadership prevails, systems respond positively. Accountability replaces complacency, and progress becomes measurable. Honour Sirawoo Ph.D. has exemplified a leadership style rooted in integrity and practical action. He did not merely acknowledge problems; he confronted them. Such commitment deserves recognition beyond routine commendation. It speaks to a capacity for higher responsibilities within the state’s administrative architecture. Rivers State stands at a critical juncture where visionary administrators are needed across ministries and agencies. Leaders who understand that development begins with attention to detail are invaluable. The transformation at the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation serves as a case study in responsive governance. It proves that institutional decay is not irreversible.
Higher positions of trust demand proven competence, moral uprightness, and administrative foresight. In these respects, Honour Sirawoo Ph.D. has demonstrated remarkable readiness. His performance suggests suitability not only for continued leadership within the Ministry of Information but also for broader strategic roles that shape state policy. Beyond the state, Nigeria’s public service landscape requires administrators who combine academic depth with practical efficiency. His credentials and achievements place him in that league. “When the righteous bear rule, the people rejoice” is more than a biblical aphorism; it is a lived experience within the corporation today. The chapter of the Holy Bible that declares, “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice”, (Proverbs 29:2), is a timeless reminder that good governance brings joy and stability to the people.
The joy of the staff is visible in their renewed dedication. The pride of ownership has returned. The institution breathes again. History often remembers leaders not for speeches but for tangible impact. The restored roofs, repaired floors, secured fences, and ongoing maintenance are enduring symbols of purposeful governance. The place started its journey to new looks with the arrival of the acting General Manager, Stella Gbaraba, who in her little way, initiated and executed some repair works in the premises. It will be worthy to point out that the duo are of the Ogoni extraction of the state, it is then safe to say that the combination is superb in that it has produced some excellent results. Importantly, the Permanent Secretary did not stop at The Tide Newspaper premises alone. His vision of renewal extended beyond a single institution to embrace all the State owned media houses under the ministry’s supervision.
At Rivers State Television, he executed massive renovation works that redefined the operational environment. Offices were upgraded, structural defects corrected, and modern standards restored to a facility that serves as a visual voice of the state. State-of-the-art office equipment were procured to enhance efficiency, ensuring that staff members could perform their duties with contemporary tools befitting a modern broadcast station. Radio Rivers too also got its own share of the Permanent Secretary’s benevolence and team spirit. Understanding the strategic importance of radio in grassroots communication, he ensured that critical infrastructure received attention. He provided them with steady power supply, reducing the interruptions that once hampered seamless broadcasting and ensuring consistency in programming delivery.
A functional Out Broadcast Van (OB Van) was made available, expanding the station’s capacity for live coverage of events across the state and beyond. The studios were upgraded to be up-to-date, improving sound quality, technical operations, and overall broadcast standards in line with modern expectations. Garden City Radio equally got its own touch in a superlative way. Renovation, equipment upgrades, and operational enhancements positioned the station on a stronger footing. Across the board, his interventions were not selective but comprehensive, reflecting a leadership philosophy anchored on inclusiveness and institutional strengthening. His target generally is to leave the State-owned media houses in a better shape than he met them. That objective is not rhetorical; it is practical and measurable in bricks, cables, studios, offices, and renewed human confidence.
By strengthening television, radio, and print under one coordinated vision, he has reinforced the information architecture of Rivers State. The cumulative effect of these interventions is a more vibrant, responsive, and professional state media system capable of meeting contemporary communication demands. As the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation along side its sister state-owned media houses continue their journey, it does so strengthened by the evidence that righteous leadership still thrives. And indeed, when the righteous bear rule, the people truly rejoice.
By: King Onunwor
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