Editorial

Whither The Electoral Act?

Published

5 years ago

May 19, 2021

Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, announced on Wednesday, April 28, 2021 at a one-day Public Hearing on the National Electoral Offences Commission (Establishment) Bill 2021, organised by the Senate Committee on INEC in Abuja, that the 2023 general elections will hold on Saturday, 18th February, 2023, which is exactly one year, nine months, two weeks and six days or 660 days from today.
Promising to release the timetable and schedule of activities for the elections after the forthcoming Anambra State governorship election on November 6 this year, the INEC boss underlined the need for “clarity and certainty about the electoral legal framework to govern the election “going forward but expressed the hope that the “National Assembly will do the needful”.
There are many Nigerians who believe that the country was denied the opportunity of a freer, fairer and more credible electoral process in 2019 when President Muhammadu Buhari, on Friday, December 7, for the fourth and final time declined to assent to the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill 2018 with the lame excuse that the 2019 electoral process may be disrupted if he signed the bill into law.
Of course, the dominant opinion around the country was that the President’s decision was ill-advised and selfish with many calling the National Assembly to veto the President’s assent. Indeed, many believed that the amendment proposed by the bill was aimed at making the 2019 general elections credible with the use of the smart card reader and electronic transmission of election results from the polling units as some of the innovations that would have been introduced to minimize electoral fraud and sanitise the system.
However, with the 2019 general elections gone, there was high expectation amongst Nigerians that the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill will be among the first legislative items to be attended to and dispensed with by the 9th National Assembly, especially against the background that the legislative chambers are hugely populated by members of the 8th Assembly that passed the ill-fated bill.
As it has turned out, the bill that seeks to repeal the Electoral Act 2010 and enact the Independent National Electoral Commission Act 2020 (HB 981) only passed for second reading on the floor of the House of Representatives on Tuesday. November 24, 2020.
Leading the debate at plenary, Hon. Aisha Duku (APC Gombe) outlined a number of challenges the bill seeks to address including a the restriction for qualification for elective office to relevant provisions of the 1999 Constitution (As Amended(; (b) the use of Smart Card Readers (SCR) and other technological devices in elections and political party primaries; (c) The time line for the submission of candidates and criteria for substitution of candidates; (d) The limit of campaign expenses; and (e) Addressing the omission of names of candidates or logo of political parties.
Accordingly, some of the sections of the Act to be altered include: 1. Section 3 (2) (a) which deals with Time line for the Release of Funds to the Commission; 2. Section 2b (3) (4) which deals with the Conduct and Postponement of Election in an Emergency 3. Section 28 (1) which deals with the Oath of Neutrality by Election Officers; 4. Section 30 which deals with The Notice of Election; 5. Section 34 which deals with the Publication of Nomination; 6. Section 36 (1) which deals with the Death of candidate; 7. Section 38 which deals with the failure of nomination; 8. Section 42 (1) (2) which deals with the Establishment of Poling Units; 9. Section 49 (1) (2) which deals with the issue of Ballot paper; 10. Section 52 (1) which deals with the Conduct of poll by open secret ballot; 11. Section 85 which deals with Notice of convention, Congress, etc; 12. Section 90 (1) which deals with the power to Limit Contribution to a political party; 13. Section 91 which deals with the Limitation on Election Expenses; and 14. Section 99 which deals with the Limitation on Political Broadcast and campaign by political parties.
Hon. Duku who expressed the hope that the bill will plug loopholes in our electoral system by amending over 300 causes (including new provisions) of the Electoral Act 2010, also noted that “In addition to this are concerns that the legal framework on certain issues should be well settled ahead of the 2023 elections such as the use of technological devices like the Smart Card Reader and electronic voting system”.
The President of the Nigerian Senate, Ahmad Lawan raised the hope of Nigerians for an amended Electoral Act that could advance the cause of the political system when he disclosed that the National Assembly would pass the Independent National Electoral Commission Act 2020 in June, 2021. While answering questions after delivering a lecture at the National Defence College, Course 29 Programme in Abuja on February 2, this year, Senator Lawan said, “we are currently working on the Electoral Act. We want to amend it and we intend to achieve the amendment before June or thereabout”, adding that “our intention in the National Assembly with this is to further sanitise the electoral environment and empower the seamless, transparent and very open sort of election where a winner and a loser will be glad that he lost in a very fair contest. So, we are working on this and we hope that the 2023 general elections will see less of electoral violence because the law itself would have been further improved”.
Mr Lawan who also hinted at the setting up of an Electoral Offences Commission through the amendment bill in the works, expressed the confidence that the 2023 general elections will experience significant reduction in electoral violence after the passage of the legal framework that will govern the conduct of the polls. “Let me give some commendation to the National Assembly for continuously working on the Electoral Act to provide for a better electoral environment in Nigeria”, he said, adding that “ I also believe, and that is the position of the National Assembly, that we should have the Electoral Offences Commission so that people who are involved in electoral violence will be prosecuted. I believe that it will go a long way in reducing and minimizing all these tendencies of people taking laws into their hands”.
The Tide strongly believes in the efficacy of the proposed amendments to largely address the debilitating challenges that have crippled our electoral system and therefore urges the National Assembly to leave nothing to chance in ensuring that it keeps absolute faith with the June, 2021 deadline it has set for itself to pass the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill.
We believe that this will not only rule out any excuse of closeness to election as canvassed by the President the last time but will also create the opportunity for the law to be test-run in the forthcoming Anambra State governorship election in November this year prior to its full scale application in 2023.

Editorial

2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order

Published

1 day ago

November 13, 2026

The Tide

As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.

Editorial

Champions At Last: Well Done, Flamingos

Published

5 days ago

November 9, 2026

The Tide

History was made on 7 November in Rabat, Morocco, when Nigeria’s U-17 women’s team, the Flamingos, beat Japan 2-1 to win the FIFA U-17 Women’s World Cup 2026.

Nigeria became the first African women’s team to win a FIFA title at any level, breaking a hierarchy long dominated by Asia and Europe. Before this final, only five nations had lifted the trophy since 2008: North Korea (4), Spain (2), and South Korea, France and Japan (1 each).

Nigeria’s dominance of women’s football in Africa is well established. The Super Falcons have won a record 10 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations titles since 1998, winning all 10 finals they contested. Yet continental supremacy had never translated into a global crown for a women’s side, until now. The Flamingos have bridged that gap.

The manner of victory made it even more impressive. In the semi-final, Nigeria beat Brazil 3-1 to surpass their previous best finish of third in 2022, when they beat Germany on penalties for bronze. The Brazilian coach conceded candidly that the Flamingos were better and stronger. It was merit, not fortune, that carried Nigeria to the final.

This gold was also the fulfilment of a long apprenticeship. The Flamingos had featured in seven of the eight previous editions, reached the quarter-finals five times, and secured Africa’s first podium finish with bronze in 2022. That bronze was a promise; this gold is its fulfilment. Their rise from quarter-finalists to medallists to champions reflects steady maturation, not accidental brilliance.

The triumph arrives at a moment when Nigeria’s senior teams are faltering. When senior sides stumble, confidence wanes and supporters grow cynical. The Flamingos have rekindled belief, reminding the nation that its talent pipeline remains fertile and its place in world football is attainable. Their success is a beacon in a period of gloom.

Kudos to the Flamingos. They have earned a special place in Nigerians’ hearts, not merely because they won, but because they won with courage, discipline and collective spirit. In a nation often divided by ethnicity, politics and economic anxiety, these young women have provided a rare moment of unified jubilation.

Having made the country proud, they deserve tangible recognition, not fleeting applause or empty rhetoric. Other nations honour conquering athletes with national honours, financial rewards, housing and scholarships. Nigeria must not be less generous. A formal reception, befitting remuneration and public celebration would show that sacrifice for the national colours carries reward.

Beyond that, these girls must not be allowed to fade away. Nigeria’s U-17 boys achieved comparable feats, yet many of those players disappeared for want of structure, guidance and continuity. History cautions that a single triumph can become an epitaph rather than a foundation if it is not consolidated. The nation must resist the familiar cycle of euphoria followed by neglect.

If properly tutored and groomed, these players will bring further glory, through a deliberate transition from the U-17s to the U-20s and ultimately to the Super Falcons. That requires structured coaching, competitive exposure, sports science, psychological support and regular international fixtures, rather than sporadic camping before tournaments. The Federal Government must ensure no Flamingo is lost to idleness, injury without care, or migration without a pathway home.

To sustain this success, the authorities must adopt policies to grow the game as other successful nations have done. Spain, twice champions at this level, and Japan, champions in 2014, built their success on school football, licensed academies, professional women’s leagues and long-term technical curricula. North Korea’s four titles reflect systematic, state-supported youth development. Nigeria need not copy every detail, but it must embrace the principle: talent is cultivated, not accidental.

The Nigeria Football Federation, National Sports Commission, state governments, corporate sponsors and schools must, therefore, act in concert. We propose: first, individual development plans and scholarships for every squad member; second, guaranteed progression into the U-20 team and the Nigeria Women Football League; third, a national girls’ football academy system anchored in the six geopolitical zones; and fourth, transparent contracts, medical insurance and mentorship to protect these minors from exploitation. These are not extravagant demands; they are the minimum obligations owed to world champions.

The Flamingos have given Nigeria more than a trophy; they have given the country a template and a testimony. They have shown that with preparation, belief and unity, Nigerian girls can conquer the world. Let the applause be loud, but let the action be louder. If we nurture these champions and sustain the policies that produced them, this golden November in Rabat will be remembered not as an isolated miracle, but as the dawn of Nigeria’s enduring reign in women’s football.

Editorial

Kula Tragedy, Needless Loss Of Lives

Published

2 weeks ago

November 2, 2026

The Tide

The reported drowning of about ten young men in the creeks of Kula, Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State, during an alleged confrontation over an oil spill at OML-55 is an avoidable tragedy. What began as a protest against environmental degradation and demands for remediation and compensation ended in a fatal collision between a community boat and a gunboat operated by personnel in military attire. The incident, which occurred amid efforts to halt a commercial vessel, underscores the persistent tensions between host communities and oil operators in the Niger Delta.

According to community accounts, including those of Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe, a former spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, residents sought to suspend operations pending cleanup and compensation. The arrival of armed personnel reportedly heightened tensions, resulting in the community boat capsizing. Recovery efforts were ongoing when initial reports emerged, while the Nigerian Army’s 6 Division and the Rivers State Police Command had yet to issue formal statements. Such delays in official communication only deepen public anxiety and suspicion.

This unfortunate situation is not an isolated incident. The National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) recorded 4,184 oil spill incidents in Rivers State between 2015 and July 2025, the highest among Nigeria’s states. Nationally, 589 spills were recorded in 2024, releasing approximately 19,000 barrels of crude. Although sabotage and theft account for many incidents, operational failures remain significant. Since commercial oil production began in the late 1950s, millions of barrels have reportedly polluted the Niger Delta, devastating mangroves, fisheries, and livelihoods.

The conduct of some youths in dealing with oil companies requires sober reflection. While grievances over pollution, inadequate remediation, and unfulfilled obligations are legitimate, physically obstructing vessels or confronting armed security personnel rarely produces constructive results. The Ogoni struggle of the 1990s, associated with Ken Saro-Wiwa, demonstrated the power of organised, non-violent advocacy. Subsequent militant violence, however, exacted devastating costs on communities. Youths must, therefore, prioritise dialogue, petitions, traditional institutions, and lawful complaints over dangerous confrontations.

This tragedy could and should have been prevented. Existing laws provide avenues for addressing community grievances. The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, for instance, requires settlors to contribute three per cent of their preceding year’s actual operating expenditure in upstream petroleum operations to Host Communities Development Trusts. These trusts are intended to support infrastructure, education, healthcare, and environmental protection, providing structured mechanisms for handling development deficits and community concerns without risking lives.

Oil operators must equally demonstrate restraint and environmental responsibility. Where pollution occurs, as alleged at OML-55, companies must ensure transparent investigation, remediation, and meaningful engagement with affected communities. Deploying armed personnel at the first sign of resistance often escalates disputes rather than resolves them. Host communities are stakeholders, not adversaries, and legitimate environmental concerns must never be treated as threats warranting intimidation or excessive force.

Both sides must respect the rule of law. Youths should avoid dangerous confrontations with armed operatives, particularly on waterways, where accidents can quickly become fatal. Operators, in turn, must not take unilateral actions that disregard community concerns or environmental obligations. Properly implemented, the PIA’s Host Communities Development Trust framework and applicable environmental regulations offer avenues for resolving disputes and grievances.

Regulators, particularly the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and NOSDRA, must act more decisively. Effective monitoring, prompt investigation of spills, and strict enforcement of remediation and compensation obligations would help prevent recurring confrontations. Although improvements in spill management are possible, persistent pollution, unrecovered crude, and community alienation demand stronger institutional commitment. Laws are meaningful only when enforcement delivers tangible results to affected populations.

Security agencies must also establish clear protocols for handling disputes between oil operators and host communities. Reports that uniformed personnel allegedly left the scene after the Kula incident raise serious questions requiring investigation. The police and military must establish what happened, under whose authority the personnel acted, and whether failures of judgment or communication contributed to the tragedy. An independent, transparent inquiry is essential to establish accountability, restore public confidence, and prevent recurrence.

Sustainable peace in oil-producing communities depends on mutual respect, environmental justice, and genuine partnership. Youths must pursue organised, peaceful advocacy; oil operators must prioritise remediation and equitable community benefits; and regulators must ensure that existing laws translate into timely action. Above all, the reported Kula tragedy must not be reduced to another statistic or forgotten after public outrage subsides. Only through accountability, restraint, and institutional diligence can the Niger Delta break free from the destructive cycle of pollution, protest, and preventable death.