Editorial
NDDC: Cleansing The Augean Stables
Recently, the Chairman of the COVID-19 Palliatives Distribution Committee of the
Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), High Chief Soboma Jackrich, cracked the atmosphere, saying the N6.2 billion approved by the Presidency as palliative to the oil region was diverted. He called for Senate’s probe again.
Jackrich, in a 12-paragraph petition dated August 3, 2020, sent to the President of the Senate, Ahmad Lawan and Speaker, House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, averred that the N6.2billion scam was different from N1.5 billion relief funds shared to over 4,000 workers of the commission and high command of the Nigeria Police Force by the Interim Management Committee (IMC) in April this year.
He said: “Today, all of that can be regrettably described as a show of shame and a scam. The N6.2 billion that was magnanimously approved by Mr. President to help the poor and indigents of the Niger Delta during this difficult period of the pandemic as palliatives has curiously been misappropriated and embezzled by the IMC of the NDDC and their co-conspirators.
“As the Chairman of the Palliatives Distribution Committee, my finding is not only that the money cannot be accounted for, but there is nothing on ground to show that N6.2 billion of our hard-earned tax payers’ money was invested for its original purpose, which the President approved,” Jackrich said.
Reacting to the allegation, the NDDC said the chairman knew nothing because the action was taken over by state governors who allegedly insisted on distributing the palliatives in their states. “Only two of the nine oil states are controlled by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) that approved the fund and runs the commission. The other states are controlled by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the governors wanted to decide the distribution activity,” NDDC spokesman, Charles Odili, said.
Ironically, since the probe of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) began few weeks ago,various allegations and counter-allegations have been flying across tables on the financial operations of the commission.
Shocking beyond words, is the revelation that the commission spent N81.5 billion in eight months without tangible project to point to. A breakdown of the expenditure as claimed by the commission showed that N1.3 billion was expended on community relations; N122.9 million on condolences; N83 million on consultancy, N3.14 billion on Covid-19; N486 million on Duty Tour Allowance (DTA); N790.9 million on Imprest; and N1.956 billion on Lassa fever.
Also other frivolous expenses were legal services, maintenance, overseas travel, Project Public Communication, security, staff-related payment and stakeholders’ engagement, all of which gulped a whooping N11.313 billion.
The Tide is saddened that the NDDC management since inception has made mockery of the dearth of infrastructural development in the Niger Delta region with hundreds of irrelevant and uncompleted projects that litter the region, yet, an Interim Management Committee set up to oversee the commission all through the period which the forensic audit ordered by President Muhammadu Buhari would take place, after the previous management was sacked for financial irregularities, would be enmeshed in similar financial mess.
In response to the agitation by the people of the region since independence, for government attention to environmental degradation, insecurity, oil bunkering and other forms of crimes heightened by lack of education, skilled labour and empowerment for the youth, the NDDC was established by Act 6, 2000 as a successor to the defunct Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) to among other things ‘‘formulate guidelines for the development of the Niger Delta’’ and ‘‘conceive, plan and implement, in accordance with set rules and regulations, projects and programmes for the sustainable development of the Niger Delta region in the areas of transportation, including roads, jetties and waterways, health, education, employment, industrialisation, agriculture and fisheries, housing and urban development, water supply, electricity and telecommunications.’’
For this reason, the sum of N15.34 trillion has been received by NDDC since its inception. Sadly, the NDDC, which was created as a response to intense agitations have fallen into the hands of unscrupulous political appointees who scramble for positions only for their personal interests.
It is rather shameful that 20 years after the commission was set up by former President Olusegun Obasanjo to empower restive youths in the region and provide infrastructural development, the region has long deviated from its core mandate and become a milking cow by politicians, civil servants and contractors.
For a region that produces the oil that provides revenue and foreign exchange for which the Nigerian tripod stands, that the Niger Delta is littered with abandoned projects and half-baked infrastructures that dilapidate as days run into months, is regrettable, to say the least.
It is against this backdrop, therefore, that The Tide supports the forensic audit and urges the panel to leave no stone unturned in the discharge of its assignment. We demand that the forensic probe must get to the bottom of the institution’s corruption morass.
We demand that all politicians must be made to give way and allow independent experts check NDDC’s books since it was founded and tell the public how the trillions of naira voted for the development of the Niger Delta were spent.
We also urge President Muhammadu Buhari to make the findings of the audit public. The NDDC must be run on a new, transparent and accountable template that delivers results. The forensic audit is a task that must be done to cleanse the commission’s Augean Stables.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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