Opinion
Ivory Tower Or Tower Of Babel?
The history of the ivory tower is a unique and
interesting one. What makes university institutions to be referred to as the ivory tower includes the culture of pursuit of truth or knowledge with deep conviction and not solely for bread.
Devotees of that culture, which may also be called the cult of convinced knowledge, rarely fear the sword and can lay down their lives to uphold what ideals they consider sacred. Such devotees are not always found in university institutions but, like Socrates, Aristotle, Martin Luther and several others, they can be mobile teachers with large followers.
In corrupt societies, ivory tower radicals are rarely “friends of government” or those who wield or pursue political power. Often, they are considered as security risk.
When Martin Luther (1483-1548) challenged what was going on in the Church during his time, he became a security risk and a heretic who must either recant his ideas or face the inquisition. In those days, “heretics” were burnt alive at the stake, but Luther had many supporters who secretly provided protection and security for him. Now, we know what resulted from Luther’s Reformation Movement. Personal conviction backed by truth usually triumphs even amidst threats of lynching.
Social transformation movements usually start from the activities of radical devotees of the ivory tower principle of personal conviction. However, along the line, there can emerge fifth columnists as internal subverts, as well as external strong opponents. Thus such movements can be destroyed before they grow strong or they become mere doctrinaire radicalism.
Social transformation movements which survive and grow strong face other problems such as infiltration and eventual take-over by later day heroes, creating schism and the scramble for positions which can split the movement.
It is usually in the process of scrambles for power and positions that commitment to the ideal of truth suffers and the ivory tower becomes “tower of babel”.
When devotees of the cult of convinced knowledge scramble for material lures, they soon become like “salt” which has lost its value. They stray from their ideals and things rarely remain the same thereafter. The reason behind such failure arises from a schism in the human brain as a result of a change in the line of devotion of attention. It remains true that no one can serve two masters with equal zeal.
Not many people know the operational mechanism of the human brain. As the seat of the intellect or objective, sensory perception, the brain also provides a gate-way to intuitive perception. Thus, there are two zones, spheres or lobes in the brain, namely: cerebrum and cerebellum, frontal brain and back brain, or left and right hemispheres. Each of the two sections deals with different but specific human needs, but both are meant to work in synergy and harmony. When one section becomes over-dominant there is a problem arising from one-sidedness or lop-sidedness.
Currently, there is the “Brain Dominance Theory” which says, in summary, that “people who are scripted deeply in the logical, verbal, left-brain thinking will discover how totally inadequate that thinking is solving problems which require a great deal of creativity. They become aware and begin to open-up a new script inside their right-brain. It is not that the right-brain wasn’t there; it just lay dormant. The muscles had not been developed, or perhaps they had atrophied after early childhood because of the heavy left-brain emphasis of formal education or social scripting. When a person has access to both the intuitive, creative and visual right-brain, and the analytical, logical, verbal, left-brain, then the whole brain is working”.
There are some people who can be described as having crippled brain; among them are fanatical dogmatic and conceited people. They engage in activities that demand the sagacity and cleverness of the intellectual, frontal brain, with little resort to the rich resources of the right or back brain which adds ethical values to human, thinking.
In politics, as a game of wits, numbers and intellect, ethical values count little. We know the link between politics and economic, and so, die-hard adherents of ivory-tower principles rarely fit into politics in its “dirty” version; no patronage!
Devotees of the cult of truth and conviction who cannot stand faithful to the ideals of integrity often visit political lords at night to pledge loyalty and beg for favours which include the post of vice-chancellorship. Thus the ivory tower becomes a political tower of babel where you can find quota and political professors with no books to their names or any worthy ideals to profess with conviction. You can find over five dozens in one single institution, especially with the lure and juice of retiring at 70 with full salary, fringe benefits and prospect of buying over official house for peanuts. Scrambles and quality rarely go together.
Dr. Amirize, a retired lecturer, writes from Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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