Opinion
The Stench At Rivers Judiciary
A visitor to the premises of the Rivers State judiciary headquarters along Station Road in Port Harcourt will shudder and may instantly take ill because of the stench that oozes out from a section of the compound, precisely around the cell vicinity where accused persons are kept.
Of immense concern is the fact that offices like the probate and accounts departments as well as some magistrate courts are located at the area where this dangerous emission emanates from. Surprisingly, the offices are full of occupants who work there daily at the risk of their health.
I had always interacted with the fetidness each time I visited the judiciary, but I never bothered to enquire into the source of the smell until recently when I repeated my visit and discovered that the stench emanated from the cell rooms where accused persons are temporarily detained.
How can self-acclaimed learned men and women work for their daily bread in such unhealthy environment? Isn’t it demeaning for ‘your worships’ and ‘my lord’ justices to operate in surroundings so bad that even a first-time caller at the place can perceive it and ask questions?
Two factors must be responsible for this embarrassing development at the judiciary. The first one is the deplorable sanitary conditions of the various cells and how the detainees are kept in the cells, either before or after their arraignment in court on each day.
It is reported that the cells are over-crowded most of the time while the detainees are never allowed a modicum of comfort. Worse still, the cell rooms are usually left untidy after the day’s use. It is further alleged that some of the accused persons are denied the use of public convenience, a reason few of them pass excreta on themselves when they are pressed.
Being an institution that ought to protect the rights of citizens, the judiciary authorities in Port Harcourt should know better that refusing detainees the use of public convenience constitutes an abuse of their rights. How can one comprehend the reason why people in that condition are denied response to the call of nature as often as they would?
The second factor is the dysfunctional state of the toilets. Given the kind of stench that oozes from that part of the premises, one is convinced that the cell toilets are unworkable. But if they are, then something doesn’t just add up. And that may be the reason for the stench that causes the environmental nuisance.
Similar thing occurs at police stations where suspects are detained without water and a means to ensure good sanitary conditions of their cell rooms. This often results in strange predicament for the suspects who fall ill and even die sometimes.
Most detention centres at police stations are known to be slaughter houses because of their deplorable and dehumanising conditions. That is why it is commonly said that the best way to locate a cell at a Nigerian police station is by determining the direction the strongest foul smell emerges. It is as bad as that.
If the police have earned notoriety for keeping suspects at detention centres with poor facilities, will the judiciary, known as the last hope of the ‘commonest’ man, follow suit? Will it act in the same way as the police? The judiciary, being a sacrosanct institution, ought to confer hope on the commoner and not abuse their rights.
That is the reason authorities of the main judiciary complex in Port Harcourt must be conscious of their work environment. They must be sensitive to the conditions accused persons in their custody are kept. If the bad smell from the cell toilets persists, detainees and those who work there or do businesses might become victims of an impending outbreak of epidemic.
As the third arm of government, the judiciary in the state capital must be exemplary. It must therefore operate detention facilities in accordance with best practices and be a model to security agencies that are known for outright violations in this regard.
It follows that both the state Chief Judge and the Chief Registrar, whose offices are located in the premises, must act to stem this ugly trend. The cell toilets have to be properly examined and be made functional with water freely in use. The inappropriate conditions of the toilets are a dent on the image of the Port Harcourt judiciary. This should be of great concern to the duo.
Also, it won’t be a bad idea if prison officials at the court premises quickly return accused persons to the prison after their day in court. This can be done in groups of ten or less. In this way, pressure on the toilet facilities in the cells will ease since only fewer detainees will use them at any given time.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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