Opinion
Buhari’s Reckless Rhetoric
General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd.) seems to have a penchant for violence unlike our President Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, GCFR. Buhari wants a revolution in a democracy he once fought so hard to kill and then killed in 1983. That was not his first coup de’etat.
In 1975, a group of Colonels of the Nigerian Army namely, Col, Muhammadu Buhari, Col Abdullahi Mohammed (then Director of Military Intelligence), DMI, Col. Joseph Nanven Garba, Col Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and Col Ibrahim Taiwo conspired to overthrow General Yabubu Gowon after which they transfered power to General Murtala Muhammed as Head of State.
In 1983, barely months after President Shehu Shagari was re-elected as President of Nigeria for a second term, General Buhari, then General Officer Commanding (GOC), 3rd Armoured Division, struck with his military boys again.
Barely two years in his military government, the boys with whom he struck out President Shagari in 1983, struck him out. Since then, he kept quiet. He knew what the boys would do to him if he opened his mouth.
On October 17, 1986, Dele Giwa, Editor-In-Chief of Newswatch Magazine was summoned to the offices of the Ismaila Gwarzo led State Security Service (SSS) in Lagos where Colonel A.K. Togun accused him of planning a social revolution and of smuggling arms into the country. On October 19, 1986, two days later, Dele Giwa was killed by a parcel bomb which was delivered to his front door.
In 1984, General Buhari, in a campaign to brutally repress the press, promulgated Decree No.4 On July 4, 1984. The Guardian Newspaper and two of its journalists, Tunde Thompson, the Senor Diplomatic Correspondent and Nduka Irabor, who was Assistant News Editor, became the first victims of this very obnoxious decree. The two jouranlsits were eventually jailed for one year without an option of fine! Guardian Newspapers was fined Fifty Thousand Naira (N50,000.00). What was their crime? They had published in The Guardian of April 1 and 8, 1984 stories with the headlines “Eight Military Chiefs Tipped as Ambassadors” and “Haruna to Replace Hannaniya”. Imagine what would have happened to them if they had called for a revolution if the military did not leave power!General Buhari (rtd.) did not stop there in his drive to crush free speech and free press, he began to allocate import licence for the importation of newsprint to newspaper organisations. Media houses that were critical of his government were denied import licence while some other newspaper houses had their newsprint seized and shared by the federal government-owned newspaper houses.
Today, this same despot and dictator enjoys the beauty of free speech and even has the effrontery to call for a revolution in a democracy which he once fought hard to kill. We will not allow him again! If need be, we will take the war to his doorsteps.
General Buhari (rtd) went hungry for a long time. He went so hungry that he jumped up to Abacha when Abacha dangled a survivial carrot. He agreed to serve under a despot and dictator, late General Sani Abacha in whose watch Shehu Musa Yar’Adua was murdered and in whose watch, one of Nigeria’s most legendary politicians, businessman and philanthropist, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was thrown into jail. He died in that jail.
Now Sani Abacha instructed General Buhari to make sure that 20 per cent of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) proceeds should be channelled to the Military. Buhari, did not ask questions. General Buhari served as PTF boss under the worst leader that the Black African continent has ever produced. It took the Almighty God to take that leader down.
In that time, General Buhari kept quiet. He could not even dare talk about a revolution. He knew he had to survive. The same way he tossed others like Fela Anikulapo Kuti and many others who his press decree haunted and hounded.
When he (Buhari) was Head of State, he had no plans to hand Nigeria over to a democracy but he wants to enjoy the gains of our democracy. When Abacha suddenly decided to retire and automatically become civilian president, General Buhari did not call for a revolution. When Abacha was framing soldiers and civilians for coup plots, General Buhari did not call for a revolution. When Abacha’s killer squads were rampaging the country, killing and assassinating Nigerians, General Buhari did not call for a revolution.
While Buhari was pretending to be busy at work at PTF, Kudirat Abiola, Pa Rewane, Alex Ibru and many others were gunned down in cold blood, Buhari kept quiet. Now that we are working hard and across the clock to re-build a democracy which would have been far more matured by now if General Buhari and his leeches had not truncated the democratically elected government of President Shehu Shagari, this former dictator-general wants to call for a revolution.
Only in Nigeria!
George wrote from Port Harcourt.
George Kerley
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
