Editorial

World Bank Presidency: Matters Arising

Published

15 years ago

April 20, 2012

Contrary to expectations that the selection of the World Bank President would be transparent and merit-based, the election, last Monday, of the United States of America (USA) nominee, Mr. Jim Yong Kim as new President, clearly showed that the preference of the super powers in the selection process still prevails.

The entire process appeared tilted more towards politics rather than a search for a position as sensitive as the best candidate for the World Bank top job. This, in our view, is a negation of the agreement reached by all of the bank’s 187 member countries, last year, to adopt a transparent and merit-based process for the position.

The election was precisely a re-enactment of the tradition where US would always produce the Bank President for the singular reason that she is the largest shareholder in the bank.

The World Bank, a family of five international organisations that offers loans, generally to poor countries, came into formal existence on December 27, 1945, following international ratification of the Bretton Woods agreements.

Recently, the Bank has focused its activities on developing countries, in fields such as human, agricultural and rural development, environmental protection, infrastructure and indeed governance.

Loans are accordingly given at preferential rates to the poor countries with the most needs.

But we think it expedient for the US and her allies to review their policies concerning the administration of the World Bank to make for more liberal and transparent and democratic process, particularly now that, for the first time, member nations have come to take keen interest in the bank.

It should no longer be business as usual where European becomes Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund(IMF) and the United States of America will produce the President of the World Bank. This old order does not help the emerging economies.

But defenders of the World Bank contend that no country is under any form of conpulsion to go aborrowing. The Bank provides both loans and grants which are given to countries that have no access to international capital markets. This is why emerging economies ought to look inwards and be more proactive in economic development and good governance.

Be that as it may, The Tide believes that such a flawed selection process of the presidency of the bank, is capable of strengthening the fears of the developing nations and puts a question mark on the sincerity of America and Europe on claims to champion merit-based appointments in democratic systems.

The development has also raised a moral question on the integrity of US and other advanced democracies who refer to those who promote undemocratic ideals in other parts of the world as despots.

We urge emerging economies such as China, India and Brazil, and others in Africa to be challenged by this show of naked power, and in sustained unity intensify pressure on the United States and Europe to throw open the selection process for both the bank and the IMF.

This, we believe, can be achieved when developing and emerging economies are able to develop their economies to the extent that they can no longer be ignored when global financial issues are discussed.

While we join the rest of the world in congratulating the new President of the World Bank, Mr. Jim Yong Kim, he should see his new position beyond his area of specialisation and move the World Bank forward.

Editorial

2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order

Published

2 days ago

November 13, 2026

The Tide

As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.

Editorial

Champions At Last: Well Done, Flamingos

Published

6 days ago

November 9, 2026

The Tide

History was made on 7 November in Rabat, Morocco, when Nigeria’s U-17 women’s team, the Flamingos, beat Japan 2-1 to win the FIFA U-17 Women’s World Cup 2026.

Nigeria became the first African women’s team to win a FIFA title at any level, breaking a hierarchy long dominated by Asia and Europe. Before this final, only five nations had lifted the trophy since 2008: North Korea (4), Spain (2), and South Korea, France and Japan (1 each).

Nigeria’s dominance of women’s football in Africa is well established. The Super Falcons have won a record 10 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations titles since 1998, winning all 10 finals they contested. Yet continental supremacy had never translated into a global crown for a women’s side, until now. The Flamingos have bridged that gap.

The manner of victory made it even more impressive. In the semi-final, Nigeria beat Brazil 3-1 to surpass their previous best finish of third in 2022, when they beat Germany on penalties for bronze. The Brazilian coach conceded candidly that the Flamingos were better and stronger. It was merit, not fortune, that carried Nigeria to the final.

This gold was also the fulfilment of a long apprenticeship. The Flamingos had featured in seven of the eight previous editions, reached the quarter-finals five times, and secured Africa’s first podium finish with bronze in 2022. That bronze was a promise; this gold is its fulfilment. Their rise from quarter-finalists to medallists to champions reflects steady maturation, not accidental brilliance.

The triumph arrives at a moment when Nigeria’s senior teams are faltering. When senior sides stumble, confidence wanes and supporters grow cynical. The Flamingos have rekindled belief, reminding the nation that its talent pipeline remains fertile and its place in world football is attainable. Their success is a beacon in a period of gloom.

Kudos to the Flamingos. They have earned a special place in Nigerians’ hearts, not merely because they won, but because they won with courage, discipline and collective spirit. In a nation often divided by ethnicity, politics and economic anxiety, these young women have provided a rare moment of unified jubilation.

Having made the country proud, they deserve tangible recognition, not fleeting applause or empty rhetoric. Other nations honour conquering athletes with national honours, financial rewards, housing and scholarships. Nigeria must not be less generous. A formal reception, befitting remuneration and public celebration would show that sacrifice for the national colours carries reward.

Beyond that, these girls must not be allowed to fade away. Nigeria’s U-17 boys achieved comparable feats, yet many of those players disappeared for want of structure, guidance and continuity. History cautions that a single triumph can become an epitaph rather than a foundation if it is not consolidated. The nation must resist the familiar cycle of euphoria followed by neglect.

If properly tutored and groomed, these players will bring further glory, through a deliberate transition from the U-17s to the U-20s and ultimately to the Super Falcons. That requires structured coaching, competitive exposure, sports science, psychological support and regular international fixtures, rather than sporadic camping before tournaments. The Federal Government must ensure no Flamingo is lost to idleness, injury without care, or migration without a pathway home.

To sustain this success, the authorities must adopt policies to grow the game as other successful nations have done. Spain, twice champions at this level, and Japan, champions in 2014, built their success on school football, licensed academies, professional women’s leagues and long-term technical curricula. North Korea’s four titles reflect systematic, state-supported youth development. Nigeria need not copy every detail, but it must embrace the principle: talent is cultivated, not accidental.

The Nigeria Football Federation, National Sports Commission, state governments, corporate sponsors and schools must, therefore, act in concert. We propose: first, individual development plans and scholarships for every squad member; second, guaranteed progression into the U-20 team and the Nigeria Women Football League; third, a national girls’ football academy system anchored in the six geopolitical zones; and fourth, transparent contracts, medical insurance and mentorship to protect these minors from exploitation. These are not extravagant demands; they are the minimum obligations owed to world champions.

The Flamingos have given Nigeria more than a trophy; they have given the country a template and a testimony. They have shown that with preparation, belief and unity, Nigerian girls can conquer the world. Let the applause be loud, but let the action be louder. If we nurture these champions and sustain the policies that produced them, this golden November in Rabat will be remembered not as an isolated miracle, but as the dawn of Nigeria’s enduring reign in women’s football.

Editorial

Kula Tragedy, Needless Loss Of Lives

Published

2 weeks ago

November 2, 2026

The Tide

The reported drowning of about ten young men in the creeks of Kula, Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State, during an alleged confrontation over an oil spill at OML-55 is an avoidable tragedy. What began as a protest against environmental degradation and demands for remediation and compensation ended in a fatal collision between a community boat and a gunboat operated by personnel in military attire. The incident, which occurred amid efforts to halt a commercial vessel, underscores the persistent tensions between host communities and oil operators in the Niger Delta.

According to community accounts, including those of Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe, a former spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, residents sought to suspend operations pending cleanup and compensation. The arrival of armed personnel reportedly heightened tensions, resulting in the community boat capsizing. Recovery efforts were ongoing when initial reports emerged, while the Nigerian Army’s 6 Division and the Rivers State Police Command had yet to issue formal statements. Such delays in official communication only deepen public anxiety and suspicion.

This unfortunate situation is not an isolated incident. The National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) recorded 4,184 oil spill incidents in Rivers State between 2015 and July 2025, the highest among Nigeria’s states. Nationally, 589 spills were recorded in 2024, releasing approximately 19,000 barrels of crude. Although sabotage and theft account for many incidents, operational failures remain significant. Since commercial oil production began in the late 1950s, millions of barrels have reportedly polluted the Niger Delta, devastating mangroves, fisheries, and livelihoods.

The conduct of some youths in dealing with oil companies requires sober reflection. While grievances over pollution, inadequate remediation, and unfulfilled obligations are legitimate, physically obstructing vessels or confronting armed security personnel rarely produces constructive results. The Ogoni struggle of the 1990s, associated with Ken Saro-Wiwa, demonstrated the power of organised, non-violent advocacy. Subsequent militant violence, however, exacted devastating costs on communities. Youths must, therefore, prioritise dialogue, petitions, traditional institutions, and lawful complaints over dangerous confrontations.

This tragedy could and should have been prevented. Existing laws provide avenues for addressing community grievances. The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, for instance, requires settlors to contribute three per cent of their preceding year’s actual operating expenditure in upstream petroleum operations to Host Communities Development Trusts. These trusts are intended to support infrastructure, education, healthcare, and environmental protection, providing structured mechanisms for handling development deficits and community concerns without risking lives.

Oil operators must equally demonstrate restraint and environmental responsibility. Where pollution occurs, as alleged at OML-55, companies must ensure transparent investigation, remediation, and meaningful engagement with affected communities. Deploying armed personnel at the first sign of resistance often escalates disputes rather than resolves them. Host communities are stakeholders, not adversaries, and legitimate environmental concerns must never be treated as threats warranting intimidation or excessive force.

Both sides must respect the rule of law. Youths should avoid dangerous confrontations with armed operatives, particularly on waterways, where accidents can quickly become fatal. Operators, in turn, must not take unilateral actions that disregard community concerns or environmental obligations. Properly implemented, the PIA’s Host Communities Development Trust framework and applicable environmental regulations offer avenues for resolving disputes and grievances.

Regulators, particularly the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and NOSDRA, must act more decisively. Effective monitoring, prompt investigation of spills, and strict enforcement of remediation and compensation obligations would help prevent recurring confrontations. Although improvements in spill management are possible, persistent pollution, unrecovered crude, and community alienation demand stronger institutional commitment. Laws are meaningful only when enforcement delivers tangible results to affected populations.

Security agencies must also establish clear protocols for handling disputes between oil operators and host communities. Reports that uniformed personnel allegedly left the scene after the Kula incident raise serious questions requiring investigation. The police and military must establish what happened, under whose authority the personnel acted, and whether failures of judgment or communication contributed to the tragedy. An independent, transparent inquiry is essential to establish accountability, restore public confidence, and prevent recurrence.

Sustainable peace in oil-producing communities depends on mutual respect, environmental justice, and genuine partnership. Youths must pursue organised, peaceful advocacy; oil operators must prioritise remediation and equitable community benefits; and regulators must ensure that existing laws translate into timely action. Above all, the reported Kula tragedy must not be reduced to another statistic or forgotten after public outrage subsides. Only through accountability, restraint, and institutional diligence can the Niger Delta break free from the destructive cycle of pollution, protest, and preventable death.