Opinion
Bureaucracy And Niger Delta Development
President Goodluck Jonathan would want to leave an enduring legacy by the time he finishes his tenure in 2015. To do this, however, he has to rely on his ministers, aides and a whole gamut of workers in the civil service. Unfortunately, we have a civil service system that is anything but efficient and result-oriented. So, it would not surprise anyone if the president’s transformational agenda is scuttled before it sets sail.
Perhaps, the president anticipates this, and has, therefore, launched a pre-emptive strike. He charged his new ministers to gird their loins for an all-out war against corruption, describing it as a monster that must be confronted and defeated. Surely, that is the way to go, and the president should insist on this tough stance, otherwise he may find his lofty plans and programmes encumbered by a sloppy, sluggish and corruption-ridden bureaucracy. This is not to say that bureaucracy in itself is bad and should be jettisoned. On the contrary, efforts should be made to instill the positive aspects of bureaucracy in our system.
In their book ‘Reinventing Government’, Osborne David and Gaebler Ted said: “It is hard to imagine today, but a hundred years ago, bureaucracy meant something positive. It connoted a rational, efficient method of organization – something to take the place of the arbitrary exercise of power by authoritarian regimes. Bureaucracy brought the same logic to government work that the assembly line brought to the factory. With the hierarchical authority and functional specialization, they made possible the efficient undertaking of large complex tasks”.
Even now, one can still point at some countries where bureaucracy has been put to good use. Here, the good fortunes of some East Asian countries, where bureaucracy played a positive role in the rapid growth of their economies, stand out. Indeed, it could be said that bureaucracy was a key ingredient of their economic .miracle. Many economic experts agree that the four Asian Tigers – Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan – owe their success not only to good visioning but to efficient and well-oiled bureaucracy.
Sadly though, this dramatic turnaround in Asia could not be replicated in many African countries, including Nigeria. Unlike the situation in East Asia, what takes centre-stage in our country is the negative aspect, which highlights the weakness of bureaucracy and this explains the poor development performance of many countries on the continent.
Issues of bureaucratic governance are seen as crucial determinants of the degree to which a country makes social and economic progress or fails to do so. This set of issues has been of concern since the advent of centralized administration, but they have taken on particular significance since the work of Max Weber some hundred years ago. In recent years, there has been increasing evidence that bureaucratic performance is important for development performance.
These days, there have been massive pressures across the world for governments to become leaner, more efficient and bring services closer to the people. In many developing countries, in particular- often as part of structural adjustment programs, there have been pressures to reduce the role of the state in relation to the market and cut the size of the civil service.
The Presidential Advisory Committee (PAC), set up by the President Jonathan and headed by General Theophilus Danjuma (rtd), to audit all Federal Government projects, said in its report that the size of government bureaucracy was unwieldy. The committee decried the high cost of governance and advised the government to prune down the ministries, departments and agencies, for more effective governance. According to the committee, the Federal Government spends about N200 billion annually on the official emoluments of civil servants.
Danjuma said that cutting down on the cost of bureaucracy would free the funds for government to provide needed infrastructure. The committee noted that government has spent N15.6 trillion on public servants alone since 1999
The 2011 budget follows the same pattern as more than N3.2 trillion of the N4.2 trillion estimates was allocated to recurrent expenditure, statutory transfers – which include payments to institutions such as the judiciary – and debt servicing. So, the government is going to spend nearly 75 per cent of the 2011 budget on recurrent expenditure. This leaves less than N1 trillion for capital expenditure. In other words, the country is spending far more on government than on critically needed infrastructure.
If President Jonathan wants to perform in the next four years, he must cut down on the cost of governance and restructure the civil service which runs the government’s bureaucracy. Any critical observer would acknowledge that bureaucracy is being used by civil servants to serve their selfish interests and line their pockets. For us in this country, bureaucracy is more of a drawback than a facilitator as envisaged by Max Weber and other great thinkers.
It is rather unfortunate that, like most other aspects of Nigeria’s national life, the bureaucracy has degenerated over the years. During the First Republic, the civil servants that were inherited from our colonial masters served creditably as veritable agents of socio-economic transformation. That is no longer the case. The notorious Nigerian factor has diluted the bureaucracy to a miserable point where it is now a burden rather than an asset to this country.
No doubt, we have a bloated bureaucracy that is more or less counter-productive. Although it provides employment; most of the people employed are unproductive and idle. The Jonathan administration must check this unsustainable trend and employ people where there are genuine jobs to be done. The case of the Imo State government, where an out-going administration employed 10,000 workers without any job description, paints a sad picture of the rot in the public service across the country.
This point was underlined recently by the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Mr. Chibuzor Ugwoha. He said: “We know that the commission itself was created to respond to the developmental challenges in the Niger Delta. The idea was to fast track development. And we all know in this country that the bane of our development is bureaucracy. You can never attain high level of development with bureaucracy.”
“You can follow due process and get things done without unnecessary bureaucracy that ensures that before a file comes from one point to another it takes months. No country in the world can develop with that kind of bureaucracy. That is why those who created NDDC called it an interventionist agency. It means that it is supposed to function as a task force. Every task force does not follow bureaucracy. But they will follow due process as stipulated by law,” Ugwoha said
Perhaps, one can say that the NDDC has done relatively better than other agencies of government because it has managed to break loose from the bureaucratic manacles which hinder progress and development. Other stakeholders in the Niger Delta such as the state and local governments must also wean themselves of excessive bureaucracy to be able to deliver good governance to the long-neglected people of Nigeria’s oil basin.
Agbu, a seasoned journalist, lives in Port Harcourt.
Ifeatu Agbu
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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