Opinion
Niger Delta: Challenge For Jonathan
With the general elections over, attention should now shift to the critical issues of governance and development which in any event, are the essence of the political contest. Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, who has now been elected president in his own rights, has a firm mandate to pilot the affairs of this nation to greater heights for the next four years.
In many ways, it is a new dawn for Nigeria. It is a new beginning not only for the president but for all Nigerians who have participated in elections adjudged nationally and internationally as the freest and most credible since the 1993 polls won by Chief MKO Abiola. For the people of the Niger Delta, where Mr. President comes from, and indeed, for all minorities, it is a dream come true that one of them has for the first time been democratically elected as the president of this country. Will this mark the end of marginalization and underdevelopment of the oil-producing communities? The answer will surely come as the Jonathan Presidency unfolds.
The people of the Niger Delta region are looking up to President Jonathan to vigorously tackle the problem of inadequate infrastructure in the region. They expect him to attract accelerated development to the region which had over the years suffered environmental degradation because of the operations of the oil and gas companies. The situation is further worsened by the neglect of various tries of government.
The new government would need to build on the gains of the amnesty programme for the former militants and resolve the problem of youth restiveness in the region once and for all. In doing this, it must also ensure accelerated development of the region and create employment opportunities for the youths as a way of effectively tackling militancy.
Surely, President Jonathan knows where the shoe pinches in the region. He made it clear during the presidential campaigns that his administration would refocus the energies of federal ministries and agencies towards sustainable development, employment generation and youth empowerment. He declared his “irrevocable commitment to restore hope and confidence” in the hitherto volatile Niger Delta region, while reassuring that the Development Master Plan of the region would be implemented with renewed vigour.
The Regional Development Master Plan, facilitated by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), provides the platform for the harmonious development and massive injection of funds to quickly transform the long-neglected region that produces the oil wealth that sustains the entire nation.
The blueprint, which all stakeholders agree is a worthy compass for the development of the region, needs to be adequately funded in order to translate the lofty plans into tangible projects and programmes. The projects articulated in the plan require enormous resources to execute. Take the 700km coastal road for instance, the project which traverses many states in the region, is expected to gulp over N1.3 trillion.
Those who are familiar with the difficult deltaic region would not be surprised at the enormous price tags for the big ticket projects. Nevertheless, it is a price worth paying given the contributions of oil to our economy. There is no doubt that the Niger Delta deserves massive structures like the Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos to link up the communities and towns in the creeks.
The new Jonathan administration must go beyond platitudes and begin to put massive projects on the ground to make a clean break from the previous style of adopting plans that were never implemented. It should be noted that non-implementation of lofty plans dating back to the Willinks Commission’s recommendations of 1958 has sowed the seeds of mistrust, which is now a hindrance in getting all stakeholders in the region to act in one accord. The people have seen the failure of one promise after the other. Hence, there is a loss of confidence. The concrete achievements of Jonathan, since he became the substantive president, have revved up the confidence of Nigerians generally.
The challenge for the new administration, therefore, should be to sustain and further enhance the confidence of the people. This can be done through actions and visible projects that touch the lives of the people substantially. The era of neglect and reneging on promises must be consigned to history.
For strong and respected voices like Ledum Mitee, the president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), the Jonathan administration needs to work extra hard to win back the people’s confidence, “ because there has been a long history of mistrust of government actions”. The MOSOP leader is confident that President Jonathan will succeed where others failed since the road to success is already charted for him.
The Mitee Technical Committee stressed the need to approach the problem holistically and bring all stakeholders on board for maximum impart. Although the Federal government did not issue a white paper on the report, it is obvious that it had initiated actions on several fronts in response to the recommendations of the committee. For instance, the post-amnesty programme has been pursued with vigour and the main federal interventionist agencies in the region; the NDDC has increased the tempo of executing its projects. Not too long ago it got approval from the Federal Government to execute 18 new projects worth over N48.5 billion across the region. This is in addition to the 44 mega projects worth over N156 billion that is already being executed.
The Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the NDDC, Mr. Chibuzor Ugwoha, said the newly approved projects would provide a fresh impetus in the task to quicken the pace of the ongoing restoration efforts in the Niger Delta. He said: “The NDDC has received anticipatory approval of the Presidency to award contracts for 18 critical infrastructural development to expedite the massive and sustainable development of the region in a way that will create a conducive environment for investment.”
According to the NDDC boss, the projects were for erosion control, According to the NDDC Managing Director, the 18 projects which are expected to cost a total sum of N48,536,650,191.99 include erosion control, construction of roads, shoreline protection, drainages, health centres and tourism.
So far, the efforts to sustain the gains of the post-amnesty programme are commendable. However, there are fears that the government might lose the momentum if the budget process continues to delay the release of funds for the execution of projects in the Niger Delta. This much came to the fore when the Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Elder Godsday Orubebe, defended the budget proposals of his ministry in the National assembly. He said that key projects that have helped to sustain months of improved security in the volatile area, are now left uncompleted. “To sustain and consolidate on the progress achieved in the Niger Delta that has brought the relative peace, especially in the area of amnesty programme, the Niger Delta region should be adequately funded,” he said.
It is obvious that no meaningful economic progress can be made unless the developmental challenges of the Niger-Delta are comprehensively addressed. The current federal administration is well placed to make history by fast-tracking the development of the region. This is even more so because of the in-depth understanding of the developmental needs of the area by Mr. President.
No matter how well meaning the Federal Government may he, it cannot achieve the much needed socio-economic transformation of the Niger Delta alone. The states and local governments of Nigeria which receive huge sums of money from the Federation Account should also be more active in executing people-oriented projects.
For instance, between May 1999 and December 2006, the nine states making up the Niger Delta region received a total of N2.16 trillion, while local governments got a total of N671 billion. Over the same period, the NDDC received only N241.5 billion, representing eight percent of the total amount of N3.07 trillion from the federation Account.
Everything considered, funding remains the most critical factor in the urgent task to develop the Niger Delta. As Orubebe told the federal lawmakers, the region can only be developed by long-term fund provisions and “not from annual budget processes.”
Agbu, a seasoned journalist, writes from Port Harcourt.
Ifeatu Agbu
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
