Opinion
Rebuilding PH For Generations
Chima Aaron
When I was told by a friend whose wife had been told that part of their house has been marked for demolition, I replied if that was the bargain the people had with the Governor. This was sometime in 2008.
Then in March 2009, I visited Nigeria, usually through Lagos to Port Harcourt where I had a firsthand witness of the demolition exercise and the Governor’s intentions for Port Harcourt, the only Garden city of Nigeria.
For example, the demolition of late Dr. G.B. Leton’s fence in G.R.A.Phase 2, brought me memories of the eighties, when we used to standby to admire the fine architectural design work of the building and many others that were later taken over by high rise fences.
It will only take the imaginations of “an old Port Harcourt boy” to have an insight into the Governor’s present efforts that need everybody’s support to turn the city back to its original status. If the creators of Port Harcourt should see it as it is presently, they’ll really be disappointed.
Who is “an old Port Harcourt boy”, shortened for “an old boy”. He is anybody who at one time or another lived as a boy in Port Harcourt from its’ creation to 1967 when the Nigeria civil war started.
“An old boy” prefers taking the backyard shortcut instead of the main roads to school and errands because they were kept clean as the main roads with flowing gutters and no foul smell. There were men paid to see to the cleaning of the gutters and to cut the grasses.
If these men should have reason to file report of your dirty premises to the sanitary authorities and a letter of inspection is sent to you, a day before the date will be used by the tenants for general cleaning. On the day of the inspection, you will clearly notice the panic on the faces of our parents before the sanitary inspectors and their big hats.
“An old boy” on a dry evening with friends may choose to lie either in the courtyard or the front cement pavement, telling stories without fear of mosquitoes or rats.
Above, are the experiences of the Garden city for you. It was designed in the form of a garden by the British who stationed men to manage the planning and maintenance of it until at our independence in 1960 when it was handed to us. We continued like them until 1967 at the outbreak of the Nigerian civil war, when the process broke down.
The problem started when the Rivers State government, after Eagle Island and G.R.A.Phase 2, abandoned planned design development of the city to land owners and private developers who built and fenced their properties, according to their plots.
From the Chief Rufus Ada-George to Dr. Peter Odil’s governments, for reasons to decongest the city, created roads for expansion without planning. With these roads, the land owners started selling to individuals who started building along the roads. And secondly, the increased activities relating to the petroleum industries, brought about inflow of people into the unplanned city, from other parts of the country.
These two factors created the over congestion and the “nightmare” traffic holdups. Let me use this experience as an example. From my Stadium Road base, I, at 3p.m left for an appointment with an office that closes at 6 p.m along Olusegun Obasanjo road. I could not make the appointment for that day. I am not condemning the plans the Government has, but rather to add onto it.
Let us create five development areas from:
Eleme junction, Onne, to Bori road, Oil-Mill junction to Imo River Bridge (Oyigbo),Uniport, along Emohua to Ahoada, Rumuokoro junction to Omagwa to Isiokpo, and Iwofe, Bakana, Borikiri, Isakato Tombia swamps for sand filling and latter converted for reserved areas.
The Government can pass laws to prevent these areas from sales and development without government approval. The best way to development is on the long term, say a twenty year development plan of these areas or zones. This is an idea to decongest the city.
The government can start the experiment from any of the five zones depending on available resources.
Take for example, the size of the area known as “the New-lay-out” which is to covers say from the Plaza Cinema, Enugu Street, the Town Market, Central Cinema, through Ibadan, Bishop Johnson, King Jaja, Churchill and Morehouse Streets to the end of Capt. Amangala, Harold Wilson and Ndoki Streets.
The government can photocopy the design of the New-lay-out, even add Creek, Bonny, Niger, Bende and Victoria Streets, Aggrey Road, King Amachee Road area, and design any of the five zones it wishes to start with in that way.
It will provide all the infrastructures found in the existing photocopied areas, like Schools, parks, hospitals, Post Office, Police Barracks, Roads, street lights, water, markets, drainage systems, cementry, churches, mosques etc.
It is the government that will approve the type of design for the buildings. I suggest that three quarter of the area should be shared in double plots of 1 00×1 00, while the remaining one quarter should be plots of 50×100. All these should be done by the government after marking and construction of secondary/ principal roads (with enough parking space) and footwalk areas. The footwalk, parking space and roads should be wider, considering the large population of people.
For the 1 00×1 00 plots, the government should insist on four stories commercial block of flats for renting like we have in Onitsha. Then the 50×100 for individuals for personal homes. We waste land by building bungalows, instead of high rise buildings. Backyards should be used for court yards without passages.
After all these have been put in place, the government can now ask land owners to start selling their land according to plots to only investors that can demonstrate proof of having money to start developing immediately. This is where our banks are supposed to take over but unfortunately they don’t invest much on this sector of real estate.
The government can also approve the design of the blocks of flats or design them itself by having stores on the ground floors.
This plan if properly executed continuously will decongest the city.
The Rivers State Government can seek the assistance of the Federal Government for projects of this nature because it has Port Harcourt among its territories for development.
A Ring road with two or three lanes on both sides, round Port Harcourt, would link all the in and outlet roads of Port Harcourt to it. So that a lorry coming from Aba, heading to NPA, does not have to follow Aba road but to divert through the Ring express road to N.P.A. So also anybody going out of the city doesn’t need to take Ikwerre or Aba road, but to go out through the Ring express road.
Infrastructures are supposed to last for centuries, this is the more reason we should be very careful of our source. They maybe cheaper but at the long term, are they worth it?
For example, let’s look at the Fly Over Bridges/Roads in Lagos and the Aba road express road constructed by Julius Berger(Lagos) and Guffanti (PH) they are very sound except for lack of maintenance problems. We should always go for the best when it comes to putting up infrastructures that will need our remembrance by generation to come.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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