Opinion
For A Decentralised Police Structure
At a time when many
thought an
accord had been reached on the state police subject among state governors
preparatory to the ongoing constitution amendment processes, a sudden turn
emerged when the Northern Governors Forum balked, and instead opted for an
amendment of section 215 of the 1999 constitution.
The Forum, which earlier supported the creation of state
police, now piles pressure on the federal government to tinker with section 215
in a manner that will empower them to control and manage poltice Affairs in
their states.
However, a cursory look at the issue reveals the pros and
cons in the arguments canvassed by both opponents and proponents of the
subject. The discourse on the necessity or otherwise of establishing a state
police may not cease until the skewed federal system the nation adopts is
redressed.
The truth is that if the prevailing security challenges
Nigeria faces must be tackled, there may not be an alternative to instituting a
state police.
That is why the position of the Northern governors is
discomfiting to their Southern counterparts and no less the common Nigerian.
Expectedly, it renewed public discourse on the issue. The question to be asked
is why state police? Why has it put on the garb of controversy?
This matter has become our flogged and authoritarian.
Whenever it is discussed, it raises rage, anxiety and fear. Understandably, the
current security remonstrance in the country has given rise to a renewed
age-long clamour for the introduction of state police to complement efforts by
the federal police to contain the pervasive crime rate in the country.
What then are the
issues? What are the contentions?
Proponents of state police argue that its institution will
enable state governors take effective control of security matters in their
respective states, against the present order where they enjoy the nomenclature
of chief security officers without corresponding coercive instruments.
Their second contention is that state police is a veritable
component of true federalism, and Nigeria cannot be an exception. They also
clamour for and indeed insist that it will enhance or promote community
policing.
These advocates of state police adduce further reasons to
the effect that if established, the institution will ensure equitable funding
of the force between the state and the federal government, which hitherto has
been solely funded by the federal authorities.
Conversely, opponents of state police insist that the nation
is unripe and immature to manage the police as governors and politicians are
inclined to abuse it and use the force to harass and intimidate political
opponents.
An added dimension to the untoward position of Northern
governors’ on the matter is their unwillingness to lose control of the current
police structure should states be authoritised to establish the force.
First, it must be admitted that the law enforcement system
of the country is inappropriate. Until this is remedied, the performance of the
police will worsen. Some Nigerians have summoned calls for proper funding,
equipping of the police to enhance their performance. This to my mind is not
the primary issue that plagues the police. What the force requires is a
comprehensive re-packaging , restructuring, remodeling and repositioning. It is
the absence of these that has caused the unabating outcry for a state police.
Truly, the inefficiency of the police has led to calls by
state governors for their own police force. However, an examination of the
positions of the proponents and opponents of state police discloses an abysmal
ignorance exhibited by both sides. It is clear that they lack understanding of
how a decentralized system of law enforcement operates.
Decentralization promotes specialization and efficiency. I
agree that decentralization, if unchecked, could lead to abuse and conflicts if
there are no guidelines. But to effect the policy, the political structure of
the country must be taken into account.
In a three-tier system of government like ours, the local,
state and federal governments must share the responsibility of law enforcement.
Therefore, local government council’s must take charge of municipal policing,
the state for state policing and the federal for federal offences and matters
that cut across state boundaries.
There must be guidelines and supervisory framework for the
operation of this system to succeed. An apolitical body could be established to
regulate the activities of the police in the various tiers.
The diversity of crimes committed in the country, and their
level of sophistication and execution, particularly those perpetrated by the
dreaded Islamist sect, Boko Haram, and militants in the Niger Delta have
combined to make the establishment of state police force desirable. They are
clear indications that the existing policing arrangement in the country has
failed. But this must be predicated upon the introduction of deep reforms in
our federal structure.
The current revenue allocation formula, for instance, has to
be abolished for fiscal federalism, while local government councils must be
given autonomy. The viability of a decentralized police structure can only be
ensured in a true federal system of government.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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