Opinion
Beyond Those ICC Trials
The commencement of the trial of the Congolese militiamen, Germain Katanya and Mathieu Ngudjolo Chu by the International Criminal Court, ICC, for war crimes certainly has the prospects of revealing the truth about wars and war crimes.
The war-lords are facing a ten-count charge of war crimes against humanity which include using child-soldiers to commit murder, maim and pillage. Both men were alleged to have had two militia groups, Katanga’s Patriotic Resistance Force, FRPI, and Nationalist’ and Integrationist Front, FNI, which invaded Bogoro village in 2003 with more than 1,000 soldiers and committed several atrocities including acts of genocide.
The village in question was strategically located on the road to the key city of Bunia, and was controlled by another militia group. Katanga, and Chui men, numbering more than a thousand, allegedly besieged the village and killed about 200 people, thus obliterating the entire population before pillaging it. In the process and as usual in invasions of this manner, some women were raped before being exterminated while others who I may term to be lucky, were seized and converted to sex slaves.
Democratic Republic of Congo has been embroiled in one conflict or the other for a long time. But this particular discord in that part of the country was over mining of gold by the ethnic groups that have formed themselves into militia groups. More than 60,000 people had been killed on account of this war. Women had been the easiest prey who had been targeted and used as sex slaves by the militia.
Women are not the only victims of the carnage and brutality perpetrated by these militiamen, children are also affected. Some children are kidnapped right from their homes, schools and sports ground and conscripted into militia groups as weapons – caring fighters. The most disturbing trend is that these militia groups do not discriminate between combatants and non-combatants but often resort to scorched earth measures. They have no regard for women, the aged and children. Every one on their part is a target. Even livestock’s are sometimes not spared.
It is an unfortunate development that most of these militiamen do not know anything about laws of war. They are ignorant of the fact that war has laws could be violatedlated. That is to say that the militias have probably not heard about Geneva convention on the conduct of war and certainly do not observe its statutes. For them, the barbaric slogan of all being fair in war is apt.
The few militiamen who know about the rules of war as contained in the Geneva Convention usually adduce as defence that it is only the state and not the individual that can be guilty of war crimes. But is there a way a state can be punished for committing a criminal offence? Crime is committed by man either individually or collectively and it is only by punishing individuals who commit such crimes can the provisions of the international law be enforced.
That is why the attempt by ICC to bring the ‘savages’ to trial in order to compel them to conduct warfare in a humane manner is commendable. They will have their day in court but more importantly, they should have the justice they deserve. They must be made to know that actions carry consequences in order to set a precedent for future warlords.
Beyond the trials, however, is the bigger question of the cause of conflicts. War crimes are evitable symptoms of deeper infirmity. Democratic Republic of Congo has been embroiled in one leadership crisis or the other and has gone through several phases of civil wars. As the biggest country in Africa, its land mass of 2.3 million square killometres is the largest in Africa and roughly equivalent to the combined areas of Spain, France, Germany, Sweden and Norway. Because of its vastness, the central government hardly has any presence outside the kinshasa and few other cities.
Most of the wars in Congo are fought as a result of the quest for territorial control by all sorts of adventures. Some of the warlords are sponsored by neighbouring countries like Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Sudan with no end in sight to their activities.
The idea of an international criminal court to try those accused of war crimes is acceptable. Charles Taylor, the former Liberian warlord, is having his day in court. Several others are lined up to face justice for their inglorious actions during wars. But trials for war crimes will be ineffective if the conditions that lead to wars are not addressed. This should be of utmost concern to the international community.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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