Opinion
Ode To Nigerian Education
If you are planning for one year, plant rice; if you are planning for five years, plant trees; if you are planning for the future, educate your children.
Each time I muse on this Chinese adage popularised by late Dr Tai Solarin, I am always faced with the riddle of answering which of these three things Nigeria is exactly planning for. Is it rice? Is it trees? Or is it the future?
This is becasue Nigeria neither plants rice nor trees. And with the current standard of education in Nigeria, it is doubtful if Nigeria is planning for the future.
Yes, we may be quick to latch on to the self-eulogy that, despite the caricature of what we parade as education, we still have some talents who go ahead to best their counterparts in Europe and America. Indeed, we can point to the likes of a Rivers-born Mavi Val-Ugboma, a 12-year-old Junior Secondary School student who joined the league of authors last Friday. But the truth is that the rank of these few ‘geniuses’ is vitiated and absorbed by the multitude of others whose faculties have been corrupted by institutional decay.
Every man true to his conscience, including the unlettered farmer in the village knows that Nigerian education is in a dire strait. It has surrendered to institutional rot. The scorecard of our schools, from primary to the tertiary level, presents a grim picture. Today, we have university graduates who can barely express themselves in simple and correct tenses; computer engineers who can hardly move a mouse, mechanical engineers who cannot fix a bicycle pedal and electrical engineers who are always at the mercy of road-side electricians to detect electrical faults in their houses. The signs of collapse run the whole gamut.
But how did we come about this sorry state? Every time this question comes up, we often reach for a hackneyed rationalisation of our individual and collective incompetence. The goal post of blame always shifts. We blame the students; students blame the teachers; teachers blame the government, and government in turn heap the blame on the society, especially parents. Parents insist that the incompetence and inability of students, teachers and the government to play the noblest roles makes the rot in the nation’s education inevitable. A ping-pong of some sorts.
In truth, we are all responsible for the mess in the nation’s education, but the bulk of the blame goes to the teachers, most especially those at the primary and secondary school levels. Primary and secondary school education is the foundation upon which the future of a child is built.
As Sam Omatseye rightly observes, “we learn everyday, but when (and what) we first learn helps us unlearn a lot of distortion.” It may not be out of place therefore, to insist that the shaky foundation at primary and secondary schools is responsible for the rot we are all witnessing today in our ivory towers.
This assertion was recently accentuated when some state governors, obviously convulsed by the appalling fall in the standard of education in their respective states, insisted on conducting aptitude test for their teachers, ostensibly to probe the faculties of those saddled with the responsibilities of moulding the students in learning and in character. From Kwara State where the teacher test first came to public attention under former Governor Bukola Saraki to Ekiti State which is regarded as the fountain of knowledge, and down to Bauchi, the results of the teachers test turned out to be an absurdist echo of late Fela Anikulapo Kuti’s popular song, ‘Teacher don’t teach me nonsense,’ as Omatseye put it. Most of those we parade as teachers and under whom we place the education and destiny of our children are themselves in need of tutorials.
It is sad, however, that similar things are already rearing their ugly heads in our tertiary institutions. Beside the already known vices like financial crimes, and abuse of female students that have become the lots of tertiary education over the years, many lecturers, including professors are now indulging in unholy attitude of plagiarism and publication of their research works in clone journals. This reads like a fiction too surreal to believe. But that is the level to which Nigerian education has sunk.
It goes to say that the ruins in the nation’s educational system owes its origin not just to government’s insensitivity alone, but to pervasive moral decadence in our society, which in turn breeds all forms of corruption and ineptitude. The implication of this is that, it is the whole nation, not just the youngsters in the classrooms, that is imperfectly educated.
The way out of this mess is the total overhauling of our educational system. Beside injecting more funds into the system, the sector requires a corrupt-free regime such that both the students, teachers and parents would see education as the greatest driver of the nation’s development, not just as an instrument of self-actualisation.
But more importantly, the sector requires adequate training and re-training of teachers, as well as good incentives for them in such a way that they will not be manipulated by students and parents, or distracted by something else other than the job they are paid to do. In other words, the government should not make the teaching profession a ticket to poverty.
But again, the teachers themselves should not see their profession as a ticket to sudden wealth. Teaching profession is a call to service, and a service to humanity.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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