Editorial
Learning From Kenya’s Protests
In an effort to consolidate the fiscal framework and strengthen Kenya’s economy, President William Ruto introduced a controversial bill laden with punitive taxes. This bill targets essential commodities, inflating the cost of living through increased fuel prices, imposing additional duties on exports, and controversially taxing sanitary pads, a move that is antithetical to gender equity. This legislative measure, intended as an economic panacea, instead thrusts the dagger deeper into the vitals of an economy already reeling from decadent living standards and systemic inequality.
The incremental taxes included in the bill are in line with Keynesian economic principles, where government intervention is required to regulate economic activity. However, such intervention is intended to be facilitative, not oppressive. In the case of Kenya, the controversial taxes would have reverberated through the socioeconomic strata, exacerbating unemployment, increasing inflation, and squeezing the already meagre incomes of the working class.
In the face of these oppressive measures, the streets have become a place where Kenyans are strongly protesting against the oppressive actions of the government. The youth, who represent the future of the country, are passionately exercising their democratic right to protest against the injustice they face. This is not just a reaction to economic troubles, but a powerful statement of their fundamental right to live with dignity and free from poverty.
Following weeks of peaceful demonstrations against the proposed legislation, protesters rampaged through the parliament in Nairobi. Subsequently, Ruto authorised the deployment of both police and military forces to suppress the unrest. Regrettably, it has been reported that 13 protesters were killed and many others injured by the police. Such excessive force against civilians is completely unjustifiable. Rather than engaging in finger-pointing, the security officials responsible should face appropriate sanctions.
In 2022, the Ruto’s administration emerged victorious in the general elections in Kenya, coming into power with a commitment to enhance the living standards of the underprivileged and improve the overall conditions of millions of citizens. Notwithstanding the initial promises made during the election campaigns, the government faced the stark challenges of limited financial resources, considerable debts, and the consequent inability to promptly execute its promised agenda.
Undoubtedly, the sombre economic conditions compelled the government to implement the financial bill last year, introducing a housing tax and elevating the top personal income tax rate. This action incited dissatisfaction among substantial portions of the population, leading to public displays of outrage, street demonstrations, and in some cases, legal challenges against the government’s policies.
This bill that caused a lot of public demonstrations and unrest may suggest that Kenya’s political system is not properly representing and including all groups in society. This also raises questions about the role of parliament in making sure proposed laws are thoroughly discussed and debated, to prevent protests from turning violent. However, attacking the seat of legislative power does not help the cause of protestations. Instead, it undermines the very structures that allow people to participate in the political process and seek change.
Despite the withdrawal of the bill by Ruto and his accusation towards security forces for inaccurate intelligence, the protests have continued without pause. This situation highlights the lack of genuine democratic principles in Africa. The crisis is primarily related to the economy, as the government, with a GDP of $113.4 billion and a population of 54.03 million, has acknowledged being in debt and facing financial constraints. To address its $78 billion debt, the government contemplated raising taxes.
The government said the country would have a $31.1 billion budget deficit if it cancelled the planned tax increase. This is made worse by the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) recommendation that the country should expand the number of people and businesses that pay taxes; improve how well people and businesses pay their taxes and have a stricter financial policy to reduce the country’s debt problems. Similar to numerous African nations, Kenya is closely connected to the IMF.
Regrettably, many African leaders exhibit poor management of their nation’s economies, resulting in appalling hardships for the populace. The citizens are left to bear the consequences of their irresponsible handling of both domestic and international loans. It is necessary that African citizens exercise their voting power to remove ineffective and incompetent governments from office.
Nigeria has faced challenges due to past IMF advisories, like the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the 1990s. The actions taken based on IMF recommendations, such as removal of petrol subsidy and floating of the naira, have harmed the economy and led to negative impacts like job losses and poverty. African leaders should give priority to implementing locally-developed policies to drive economic growth rather than relying on external financial agencies like the IMF and World Bank.
Regardless of President Ruto’s concession, some protesters still insist on continuing demonstrations until the government collapses. This would be unwise as it could lead to a disproportionate use of force, escalating tensions and potential fatalities. Protesters should avoid creating conditions for anti-democratic forces to disrupt the democratic system that allows citizens to peacefully demonstrate. In a democratic society, political change can be sought through the ballot box in the next elections.
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
