Opinion
EFCC And The Anti-Graft War
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established by the former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo in 2006, with the responsibility to fight corruption issues in Nigeria as an institution of government. The idea behind the establishment of the corruption was to fashion a way to deal with the menace caused by the annoying and shameful institutional and official corruption that was weighing the country down in many ramifications.
Besides, the commission’s emergence was seen by most Nigerians as the best way to tackle the damaging problems caused by the advance fee fraud (419) quagmire and the money laundering and looting of public treasury by government officials as well as other forms of corrupt practices related to financial crimes and economic sabotage. It was also meant to tackle the worrisome problems of over-inflated government contracts, diversion of monies meant for the execution of contracts funded through taxpayers’ resources, and recovery of monies budgeted and released to fund abandoned government contracts.
When Obasanjo set up the EFCC, many Nigerians applauded the wisdom in the president’s decision to fight official corruption that had eaten deep into the very fabric of the country’s socio-cultural and economic systems. What excited most Nigerians with the Federal Government’s strategy was the fact that financial crimes in both public and private sectors had dragged the Nigerian state into the mud, causing the nation serious embarrassment and image problems locally and abroad.
In fact, before then, Nigeria’s rating on Transparency International (TI) corruption index was so pitiable and shameful that virtually every Nigerian was despised at global business, political and professional fora. Nigeria’s bilateral relations with so many world economies or nations began to wean, and foreign direct investments also continued to fizzle out, drying the economy, and creating a stifling condition for law-abiding citizens. Thus, the birth of the EFCC was received with a sigh of relief.
The responsibilities given EFCC by the then president were onerous. It was tasked to eliminate corruption in the nation’s economic and political systems. The commission was mandated to go into the very roots of corruption, uproot it, and deal with the forces promoting the scourge in the country. It was empowered to arrest, investigate and prosecute those Nigerians or foreigners living in the country found wanting in any case(s) of corruption. EFCC was mandated to spare no person, no matter how highly placed, as nobody was above the laws of the land.
Therefore, when the commission started its mission with Nuhu Ribadu as chairman, many Nigerians commended the leadership for ‘holistically’ fighting corruption in the country. Even such countries as the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany lauded the dexterity and commitment of the Ribadu-led EFCC to fight corruption in Nigeria, and indeed, honoured the commission’s efforts with awards. Although a few were not satisfied with the way and manner it carried on with its operations, many were quite impressed with the activities of the anti-graft agency.
But today, many Nigerians are not satisfied with the result posted so far by the present leadership of the commission. Although the agency is trying to address the question of corruption frontally, it still faces enormous challenges. And these challenges border on a couple of legal and political factors.
For instance, some powerful politicians being investigated and some arrested had moved faster than the agency by using lawyers to procure injunctions stopping or barring EFCC from further prosecuting and jailing them for corruption. Some of these include former governors, senators, among others. Even some ‘419’ and other fraudsters have not been convicted because their lawyers had secured court injunctions restraining the commission from trying them for corruption.
Another aspect of this problem is the confusion being created by the office of the attorney-general of the federation. Over the last couple of years, that office has had to stall several corruption cases being handled by the EFCC, alleging that the commission had no locus standi to prosecute such persons, who had been investigated and presumed wanting in corruptly enriching him or herself. This conflict over responsibilities has, in no small measure, worked against the fight to curb corruption in the society.
Despite all these, most Nigerians still believe that the EFCC has enough powers to fight corruption to a stand-still. Even some members of the National Assembly said so recently when the Chairman of the commission, Mrs Farida Waziri appeared before the honourable members recently.
But if it is true that the EFCC Act has enough provisions to prosecute any corrupt official, why is it that the commission has not been able to apprehend and prosecute some accused public and private office holders alleged to have amassed wealth at the expense of the public? Why is it that some ex-governors, ministers, ex-bank executives, ex-government-owned company board chieftains, chief executive officers and so on have not been arrested and prosecuted till date? Why is it that no public office holder found guilty of corruption has been sentenced for a long term in jail? Why is it that most of those who had stolen public funds still walk the streets as poor and innocent as you and I?
I think that for the war against corruption to be fought and won by the commission, all Nigerians need to support its efforts. Government must muster the political will to encourage and assist EFCC leadership to do its work better by strengthening and empowering the anti-graft agency. The law enforcement agencies must synergise to collective fight and cripple the menace of corruption in Nigeria. Businessmen and women, company chiefs, government officials must respect the law by following due process in everything they do.
Of course, financial crimes had almost forced the nation to its kneel. Having come this far, it is necessary to appeal to all Nigerians to rise to the occasion by throwing their weight behind the present leadership of the EFCC. It is high time we, as individuals and as Nigerians, stopped pretending that things would get better soon. Nothing would get better except we collectively weigh in by avoiding those things that lure us into corrupt practices. We must show leadership because we are all leaders.
Methinks officials of government at all levels should stop diverting attention to the real issue of corruption, and join hands with the commission to confront the hydra headed burden for the future of all. I think the statements coming from the office of the attorney-general over who is actually responsible in the prosecution of corrupt persons is unnecessary, and needs to be guided forthwith.
In advanced countries such as the United States, and United Kingdom, the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Department of Homeland Security, and the Office of the US Attorney-General, cannot disagree over whose purview it is to investigate and prosecute economic crimes and related offences. The same goes for the Scotland Yard or UK Police Department and the office of the Secretary of Police Affairs.
Therefore, it is not in the interest of the country that both the EFCC and the office of the attorney-general should be fighting over who has the legal right to prosecute corrupt officials or cases. This, no doubt, helps to weaken the powers of the EFCC and the fight against corruption.
What Nigerians expect the President Goodluck Jonathan administration to do is to leave a remarkable footprint in the fight against corruption. To achieve this, the commission must be given the free hands to do its work. Neither the executive, the legislative, nor the judiciary should slow down the work of the commission through unnecessary legal interpretations or excessive arrogation of powers to themselves.
Nigerians know that corruption is everywhere in the land. Fraud is eating the nation dry. Unnecessary inflation of contracts is still the norm in most local, state, federal government bureaucracies. Politicians are enriching themselves silly with public money that should have been pumped into genuine development projects.
If Jonathan must succeed in his transformation agenda, then all Nigerians have one duty to perform: Support EFCC to win the war against corruption in Nigeria. It is our responsibility as citizens!
Ogwuonuonu, a public affairs analyst, writes from Port Harcourt.
Frank Ogwuonuonu
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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