Editorial
Against Repentant Insurgents’ Bill
In what looks like a poor imitation of the Amnesty Programme in the Niger Delta, a bill seeking to establish an agency for rehabilitation of repentant Boko Haram members is about to be passed into law by the Senate.
But unlike the Amnesty Programme in the Niger Delta where the ex-agitators were known and reasons for their agitation were well spelt out, the Boko Haram insurgents are terrorists who derive joy in killing innocent people without provocation and justification. The recent bill by the former Governor of Yobe State and Senator representing Yobe East, Ibrahim Geidam, cannot, therefore, be said to have met the criteria for which an Amnesty Programme in the Niger Delta was established.
Among other curious motives, the Geidam bill titled ‘Establishment of the National Agency for the Education, Rehabilitation, Deradicalisation and Integration of Repentant Insurgents in Nigeria and for Other Connected Purposes’, seeks to deradicalise repentant insurgents and equip them with requisite skills.
According to Senator Geidam, the bill “will help rehabilitate and reintegrate the defectors, repentant and forcefully conscripted members of the insurgent group, Boko Haram, to make them useful members of the society and provide an avenue for reconciliation and promote national security.
“It will also encourage other members of the group who are still engaged in the insurgency to abandon the group, especially in the face of the military pressure and enable the government to derive insider-information about the insurgency group for greater understanding of the group and its inner workings”.
The Yobe East Senator also believes that the bill “will enable government to use the defectors to fight the unrepentant insurgents”.
Details of the bill show that the proposed agency will rely majorly on funds from the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), and 0.5 per cent of the allocation of the six North East States.
The Tide finds inexplicable the rationale behind the idea of creating an agency to rehabilitate veritable savages when the victims of their bestialities are languishing in internally displaced persons’ (IDPs) camps.
There is no gainsaying the fact that for the eleventh year running, the Boko Haram terrorist group has remained a raging inferno that costs the country so much in human and material terms. Worst is the apparent helplessness of the Federal Government to contain the monster. The government’s assurance that Boko Haram would soon be history has become trite. The more the government promises to decimate the terrorist group, the more vicious it becomes.
But is the rehabilitation of the lunatic group the solution to insurgency in the country? The answer is No. It is against this backdrop that we frown at the reported release of 1,400 Boko Haram ‘’suspects’’ and a bill currently before the Senate for the establishment of a national agency to educate and rehabilitate repentant insurgents. The bill, which has already passed the first reading in the Red Chamber, is a mockery of the fight against insurgency and the unspeakable tragedy that has been wreacked on the nation by the Boko Haram sect in the last one decade.
It is appalling that members of a terrorist group who should be charged with treason and subjected to condign punishment are being treated with kid’s gloves.
For us, the idea of establishing an agency to take care of the terrorists who gleefully celebrate the decapitation of fellow humans and the casualties resulting from their bestialities is irreconcilable. The bill is curious and raises more questions than answers. Is the rehabilitation of members of the lunatic band the appropriate action to assuage the grief of widows and orphans left behind by those who died fighting against these same fanatics?
If the bill sails through, how do we get justice for so many officers and men of the Nigerian Armed Forces who, in the service to their fatherland, have paid the supreme price fighting Boko Haram? How would the government justify the humongous amount of the nation’s resources, including borrowing, that had been channelled into confronting the terrorists?
It is also unthinkable that the government will have to spend borrowed money to rehabilitate those who have immensely contributed to its financial crisis, should Geidam’s bill become law.
Again, how do we distinguish between pretenders and genuinely-repentant insurgents? What is the guarantee that many, if not most of the supposedly repentant insurgents will not find their way back to the fold of their fellow fanatics after gathering information that will enable them to wreak havoc in greater measure?
Like many other Nigerians, we fear that releasing the ‘repentant’ Boko Haram militants into civilian population could be counter-productive as there is high likelihood of hardened fighters returning to the terror group to commit more atrocities, just as there is the likelihood that the bill, if passed, will breed more insurgents.
The bill is, therefore, not only needless, but also a misplaced priority. This is even so that the nationality of the insurgents may be difficult to ascertain.
We also doubt if the Boko Haram elements who kill for no cause or justification can be rehabilitated. We advise that funds meant to rehabilitate them should be used to correct infrastructural decay in the area of roads, electricity and water supply. Better still, the funds can be used to fund the Army, the police and other security agencies as well as proper equipment to fight the insurgents.
Meanwhile, we believe that the situation in the North-East has been properly taken care of with the establishment of the North East Development Commission (NEDC). That commission should be well-funded and well-equipped to tackle all the socio-economic malaise which breed insurgents in that geo-political zone.
It will amount to a waste of resources to channel resources that are supposed to be used to bring an end to terrorism and the orgy of violence into setting up an agency in the name of rehabilitating a terrorist group that does not care a hoot about human lives.
We believe that the country is currently at war with insurgents, and the war must be fought to its logical conclusion. Deradicalisation can only come after the terrorist group has been defeated. Therefore, Geidam’s bill at this moment when the war is on amounts to putting the cart before the horse.
The bill, if passed into law, will not only offend the sensibilities of all the victims of Boko Haram’s insanity, it will also be an indication of appeasement if not outright capitulation. If this happens, both the sponsor and the Senate that passed the bill into law will be as quilty as the Boko Haram lunatics that have made the country a theatre of needless war for the past 11 years. Nigerians are watching.
Editorial
That Call to End Girl-Child Marriage
Nigeria joined the world in commemorating the International Day of the Girl-Child on 11 March 2026, an observance dedicated to advancing girls’ rights and amplifying their voices. This year’s theme, “End Child Marriage and Invest in Girls’ Rights,” confronts a deep-rooted injustice and demands an end to sacrificing girls’ futures to prejudice and expediency.
The focus is child marriage, not as an unavoidable misfortune but as a preventable injustice. Though prevalent in many societies, the practice remains particularly troubling in parts of northern Nigeria, where it has become normalised. Reports of girls aged 10 to 13 being married off are disturbing. The controversy surrounding a Nigerian senator and former governor who married a 13-year-old girl further exposed the practice to global scrutiny, yet accountability at home appeared limited. When lawmakers disregard the law, society’s moral compass is compromised.
UNICEF’s statistics reveal the scale of the crisis. Globally, an estimated 650 million women and girls alive today were married before turning 18, while more than 12 million girls enter marriage annually before adulthood. In Nigeria, about 33 per cent of girls marry before 18 and 11 per cent before 15. The prevalence reportedly reaches 63 per cent in Jigawa and Zamfara States and 61 per cent in Sokoto and Katsina. These figures represent millions of childhoods interrupted and futures imperilled.
These statistics explain why the United Nations continues to campaign against child marriage and advocate investment in girls. The consequences are devastating. Girls whose bodies are not fully developed face increased risks of maternal death, obstetric fistula, sexually transmitted infections and psychological trauma. The economic cost is equally significant. A 2017 World Bank and International Centre for Research on Women Study estimated that ending child marriage could generate an additional $7.6 billion in earnings and productivity for Nigeria, as early marriage deprives girls of education, skills, and opportunities to contribute to national development.
Educating a woman benefits the entire society. As a mother, she often becomes her children’s first teacher and a vital influence on their character. An educated mother helps raise enlightened children, just as one candle can light many others without losing its flame. Denying women education undermines families and communities. To expect wisdom while deliberately withholding knowledge is to demand the impossible.
Several reasons are offered for marrying off young girls, including economic hardship, cultural practices and religious beliefs. In some households, daughters are treated as commodities, married early so that their bride price can finance their brothers’ education. While boys enter classrooms, their sisters are sent to matrimonial homes. This discriminatory practice is shortsighted, depriving the nation of half its human potential. A country cannot expect to run effectively after deliberately crippling one side of its capacity.
Beyond these justifications lies the entrenched belief that women ultimately belong in the kitchen, regardless of their education. This outdated notion is demonstrably false. Countries where women lead governments, businesses, research institutions and other sectors show what investment in female talent can achieve. Rwanda’s substantial female parliamentary representation is one example. Confining women to domestic roles limits not only their ambitions but also the nation’s progress.
A girl-child must not surrender her childhood to poverty or prejudice. Some traditions discourage women from attaining educational heights comparable to or greater than those of men, driven by the baseless fear that educated women will disrespect their husbands. Such thinking equates enlightenment with insubordination and empowerment with threat. This patriarchal mindset perpetuates inequality and keeps society trapped in backwardness.
Consequently, some parents consider educating their daughters a waste of resources, likening it to watering another man’s garden. This attitude is deeply misguided. Every girl deserves the opportunity to learn, grow and pursue her dreams. Early marriage mortgages her future, stifles her potential and traps her in circumstances she might otherwise overcome. No society can justify sacrificing a child’s prospects to outdated customs or immediate financial gain.
Ending child marriage must, therefore, go hand in hand with investing in girls’ education, safety and rights. Every girl should have the opportunity to realise her potential. This requires more than annual declarations, billboards, posters and seminars held in air-conditioned halls. Awareness without action is like a cloud without rain: promising, yet incapable of nourishing the ground.
The campaign must move beyond tokenism to practical intervention, particularly at the state level, where the problem is acute. Governments should formulate policies that protect girls and make education accessible. Scholarships, bursaries, conditional cash transfers, school feeding programmes and other incentives can help keep girls in school. When education is affordable and adequately supported, more girls can choose the classroom over the bridal chamber.
Civil society organisations, faith-based groups, and traditional institutions must intensify efforts to challenge child marriage and dismantle harmful beliefs disguised as religious or cultural obligations. Parents must also uphold their responsibility to protect and educate their daughters, despite economic pressures. A society that educates its girls invests in its future; one that marries them off in childhood mortgages that future at an incalculable cost.
Editorial
Restructure the UN Power Arrangement
Editorial
Time To Resolve The Pension Crisis In Rivers
The prolonged suffering of Rivers State pensioners who have remained unpaid since retiring in July 2025 demands urgent executive and legislative intervention. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has rightly put its finger on the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS) as the root cause of this crisis. The state government must now bite the bullet, dismantle this failed experiment, and bring the pensioners’ protracted ordeal to an end.
Since July 2025, the affected retirees have been left high and dry, their monthly pensions unpaid, and their dignity worn away. The NLC, under the leadership of Comrade Alex Agwuanwon, has also linked this deplorable situation to the political storm that engulfed the state, while expressing cautious optimism that the prevailing calm will pave the way for the payment of outstanding arrears. The Tide shares that optimism. However, optimism alone will not put food on the table for men and women who gave the best years of their lives to the service of the state.
The genesis of this crisis is not shrouded in mystery. The CPS was introduced in Rivers State in 2012 under the administration of former Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, pursuant to the Rivers State Pension Reform Law of that year. The scheme was ostensibly designed to bring the state into line with the federal Pension Reform Act of 2004, which had established a contributory framework for retirement benefits across the country. What was sold as a progressive reform has, in truth, become a millstone round the neck of the very workers it was meant to protect.
The CPS has failed in the state, and it has failed spectacularly. Its fundamental flaw lies in the government’s chronic inability, or unwillingness, to honour its counterpart funding obligations. The arrangement was meant to be a joint endeavour: employees contribute a portion of their salaries, and the employer matches it. But the state has consistently failed to keep its side of the bargain, leaving the pension fund anaemic and unable to meet its obligations. The result is as predictable as it is unconscionable. Retirees are left with only their own contributions to fall back on, a mere pittance that cannot see them through their twilight years.
The human cost of this institutional failure is staggering. Men and women who devoted decades to the civil service now find themselves cast adrift, their legitimate expectation of a secure retirement shattered. The psychological toll of such betrayal is beyond measure. A pension is not an act of charity. It is a contractual obligation, a deferred wage for services already rendered. To withhold it is to break a sacred trust. The authorities must understand that every delay in resolving this crisis costs lives, both in the literal sense as elderly retirees struggle to pay for healthcare and sustenance, and in the figurative sense as the social contract between the state and its workforce wears thinner with each passing month.
This development does not show the government in a favourable light. For a state to allow people who served it with dedication and integrity to languish in penury after retirement is morally indefensible. It sends a chilling message to serving civil servants that loyalty will be repaid with abandonment. This is precisely why organised labour must not rest on its oars. The NLC’s call for the termination of the CPS is not mere grandstanding. It is a necessary corrective. The scheme, as presently administered, is irredeemably broken and must be done away with.
The most damning indictment of the CPS since its inception is its one-sidedness. The government has failed to pay its counterpart funding, reducing the scheme to a hollow shell. Of what use is a contributory arrangement when only one party contributes? Retirees cannot be expected to live on the meagre sums they themselves set aside, sums which have been steadily eroded by inflation and administrative charges. Workers have been short-changed, left to carry the can while the government looked the other way. It is a quiet expropriation of their future.
The time to put this right is now in the interest of justice, equity, and fairness. The NLC should push harder for the swift implementation of its committee’s report to Governor Siminalayi Fubara. That report contains a sensible and pragmatic recommendation: that the CPS should apply only to those employed in the year it was enacted, thereby allowing existing civil servants to remain under the Defined Benefit Scheme (DBS) to which they were originally entitled. This is not a radical proposal. It is a reasonable compromise that recognises the legitimate expectations of long-serving workers and rights the wrongs of the past.
The authorities must act with dispatch. Governor Fubara should, without further ado, send a draft amendment of the Pension Law to the House of Assembly for passage into law. With such legislative intervention, those who retired from July 2025 to date would be returned to the DBS, receiving pensions calculated on their terminal salaries and years of service rather than the paltry sums available under the failed contributory arrangement. The NLC, for its part, should keep its foot on the pedal through dialogue, advocacy, and, if necessary, peaceful protest. Pensioners deserve not just fine words but concrete action.
Rivers State cannot lay claim to be progressive while its retirees are forced to go cap in hand for their rightful entitlements. The measure of any civilised society is how it treats its elderly. By that yardstick, the present situation is a blot on the state’s escutcheon. The government must clear the backlog of arrears, scrap the CPS for the category of workers it should never have applied to, and restore the DBS in full. Nothing less will suffice.
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