Editorial
Buratai And 38 Retired Officers
In 2015, some serving military officers of the Nigerian Army were compulsorily retired from service by the Military High Command for their alleged unprofessional roles in the 2015 general elections, which the authorities described as ‘meddling in the democratic process.’ The officers, ranging from Lieutenant Colonels to Major Generals were also accused of involvement in contract scams. This, according to military authorities, negatively affected the ability and capacity of personnel to deliver on their mandates to protect the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nigeria.
Following the unwillingness of the military authorities to explore all available options and give the affected officers the opportunity to exhaustively defend themselves according to extant military law, the said officers petitioned the Presidency, complaining that they were not given fair hearing as their retirement was concocted and implemented without due process. They alluded to the prescribed Armed Forces Act Cap A 20 of the Laws of the Nigerian Federation 2004, which clearly stipulates the obvious grounds and inclusive process for retirement and possible dismissal of military officers.
In a recent publication titled: “Injustice, Human Rights and the Nigerian Army”, Ishaq Yusuf, described the reasons adduced by the military hierarchy for the retirement of the 38 officers as untenable in military practice, explaining that the officers’ retirement had nothing to do with the exigencies of the Army Code of Ethics and Rules of Engagement. He, therefore, argued that the action contravened the enabling military law and procedure for disciplining and sanctioning ‘erring’ officers. Yusuf further asserted that all military officers accused of the any infraction in violation of the provisions of the Armed Forces Act, were entitled to appear before a court martial to determine the culpability or otherwise of the affected officers, before any forced retirement, in accordance with specific provisions of military law and ordinance.
The Tide agrees no less with the position canvassed by Yusuf. We also support the pleas of the ‘wrongfully’ retired officers as put forward in their petition to the Presidency. Our position is simple: if the Armed Forces Act prescribes diligent court martial process to give fair hearing to those accused, thereby ensuring that justice is served, then, it is incumbent on the military authorities to do the needful. Our conviction is further strengthened by the fact that in a democratic environment in which the Nigerian military now operates, the supreme law of the land – the Constitution – guarantees the right of every citizen to fair hearing, and to be presumed innocent until proven otherwise after the ventilation of extant laws in a legally constituted court of competent jurisdiction.
We, therefore, implore the Presidency to accede to the petition of the 38 retired military officers, and diligently review their cases with a view to providing acceptable legal structure for fair defence of the allegations against them and just determination of appropriate sanctions and disciplinary measures as prescribed by law. Allegations of meddling in the conduct of the 2015 elections and or involvement in contract scams are issues recognised by relevant laws, which have also provided remedies for offenders.
While The Tide does not and would never encourage military participation in partisan politics because it undermines their professionalism and public confidence, it also would not support any action capable of fanning the embers of corruption, whether among public officials in the military or civil populace because it weakens public institutions, scuttles and suffocates economic growth and development, promotes violence and instability while at the same time whittling down national power and global influence.
We make this conjecture because since the inception of the Tukur Buratai-led leadership of the Nigerian Army in 2015, very unconventional means have been deployed in the administration of military justice. We recall that Buratai inherited a court martial instituted by the previous administration to try more than 5,000 military personnel accused of various offences, ranging from mutiny to refusal to obey orders in respect of the anti-insurgency war in the North-East. But rather than following through with the military disciplinary process of court martial, Buratai set up a ‘committee’ which reviewed the cases of the offenders and curiously reinstated 3,032 of them.
We warn that such abuse of due process in the military should not be allowed to fester. This is why we insist that the Military High Command must retrace its steps, and fashion legitimate and acceptable means of dealing with matters affecting the professional conduct of military officers in line with international best practices. This way, issues of crass abuse of human rights and violation of rule of law usually raised by global human rights watchdogs as well as western governments and institutions would naturally resolve themselves. This is our take!
Editorial
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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