Editorial
PIB: Enough Is Enough
It is now common knowledge that the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is about the most contentious bill in Nigeria’s parliamentary history. It is the most politicised and frustrated bill and the reasons are becoming more obvious by the day.
The PIB was fully endorsed by the various sections of the oil industry, and even the international oil majors, from when it was presented in 2012. The bill was to bring about critical reforms and make the changes that would sanitise operations in the industry.
Successive regimes have failed to actualise the passing of the bill that should have turned things around in the industry. Even if we do not want to believe that other parts of Nigeria are opposed to the bill because of the fear that it would empower the people of the Niger Delta, it is difficult to dismiss suggestions that the NASS has been compromised by some powerful Nigerians who benefit from the rot in the industry.
Most of the reasons why the Niger Delta supports the bill is nationalistic. They want the benefit of international best practices in the industry. The people want anything that will stop pipeline vandalism, environmental pollution, youth restiveness and community alienation in the exploitation of the resources in their land.
But the first reading of the bill, last Wednesday, threw up a number of rather vexatious issues. In fact, for it to pass the first reading, the bill was badly mutilated, in the name of harmonisation and change of name. The bill is now re-christened Petroleum Industry and Governance Bill (PIGB) with a tag “An Act to provide Governance and Institutional framework for the petroleum industry and other matters.”
Even more objectionable is the removal of the clause that grants 10 per cent of the proceeds to the oil bearing communities that have borne the brunt of oil exploration and exploitation for decades now without commensurate development. Incidentally, the removal of the 10% benefit to the Niger delta has been the major problem of some Northern elite.
Albeit, the PIGB contains wide ranging provisions aimed at critically reforming the oil and gas industry and making some changes in the most important sector of the economy. However the decision of the Senate to drop the Host Communities Fund makes nonsense of the bill.
Already, there have been protests across the Niger Delta and some groups have promised to resist the move to deny the Niger Delta people of this royalty in whatever way they can, noting that it is the only part that assures community participation in the entire oil industry. This is more so because communities do not share from the derivation fund.
The Tide thinks that this simmering face-off is avoidable. No person or group should allow their hate for the Niger Delta to endanger activities of the petroleum industry. Since the discovery of oil in Nigeria, the nation has made billions of dollars, but all the Niger Delta region has to show is misery, poverty and killings.
The Senate should know that the 10 percent royalty is too infinitesimal to endanger the whole. In fact, the amount can hardly ameliorate the anguish of the beleaguered people of the Niger Delta, who have continued to make sacrifices for a better, greater and more progressive Nigeria.
Indeed, the 10 per cent is the least anyone can give to return peace to the region and allow for a responsible exploration of hydrocarbons. This should actually not be an issue because activities of the industry have caused so much danger to humans and the environment which magnitude no remediation can fully address.
Infact, reports from the Senate only show that either the lawmakers do not understand the issues at stake or do not care about the safety, feelings and rights of the people of the Niger delta, nor do they have the interest of Nigeria at heart. This is because no one can be so wicked and crude to do what they are doing.
As a matter of fact, The Tide expects lawmakers from the South and the Niger Delta in particular to do all it takes to retain the original bill. They must lobby, fight and if necessary stage a walk-out to force NASS to retrace its steps and avoid anything that could make the Niger Delta boil again.
Nigeria must be bold enough to do things differently to open the way to beneficial changes. The NASS must also repeal the Land Use Act, the Petroleum Act among other obnoxious legislations that have over the years given impetus for the continued underdevelopment of the Niger Delta region.
The way persons from the major tribes are using their numerical strength to inflict injustice on the Niger Delta has come to the attention of the whole world. How Nigeria has used the wealth of the Niger Delta to develop the major tribes and leaving the Niger Delta in penury is well documented. We think enough is enough.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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