Opinion
The Menace Of Child Labour
One of the greatest problems confronting our society today is child labour. Child labour refers to the employment of children in a manner that deprives them of their childhood and brings harm to their physical and mental development. Child labour should be seen based on the dangers it has on the children and the society at large.
In most cases, child labour involves children working under terrible conditions and missing school. Chidren are naturally entitled to freedoms as the freedom to rest, freedom to play, and most especially, freedom of education.
They might assist at home, work at weekend, but tedious works are meant for adults.
Parents are not to depend on the children for the family up keep, rather the children are supposed to rely on their parents for their welfare and not to fend for themselves.
Although not all work done by children is classified as child labour. Activities such as washing dishes and other chores done at home or doing small holiday jobs to earn some pocket money or supervised apprenticeships are not instances of child labour. They are referred to as activities that contribute positively to the development and provides them with good skills and experience that prepares them for adulthood.
Child labour comes in many forms worldwide. Children are made to work to pay off debts incurred by their parents. Some are used forcefully for commercial sexual exploitation, drug trafficking, organised begging on the streets and armed conflicts. Children are engaged in agriculture and domestic services and hawking when the child is meant to be at school.
These activities are very harmful to the child and they violate the child’s rights. Child labour takes many different forms and our priority is to eliminate without delay. The worst forms of child labour practices are the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced recruitment of children for use in armed conflict. The use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution for the production of pornography or for pornographic performances compound the problem.
The greatest force driving children into the workplace according to the International Labour Organisation is poverty. Another major factor driving children to harmful labour is the poor quality of school.
Child labour especially in rural areas is a form of vocational education, where children learned practical skills from their parents. Child labour is used as a way to instill a sense of responsibility in the children. These children are aged between 5-14 globally and work in hazardous low paying and undignified conditions inimical to their health. The situation remains desperate and can be handled with complacency.
Many girls and boys in our society are not opportune to attend school. Some try to combine school and work, but all to end up being school dropouts even before the age of employment and become child labourers.
This ugly situation, effectively endangers the future, usefulness, productivity, self esteem and prosperity of such children. It is our society that becomes the ultimate victims for this, bearing such results as destructive social vices on the part of the mislead youth, including premature pregnancies, high abortion levels and incidences of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) or dysfunctional acts of violence.
There is no doubt that child labour in Nigeria has worsened. The quality of governance has deteriorated with corresponding decline in the diverse spheres including health care, education and job opportunities.
Also, it is not surprising that most of our major cities, thousands of under-aged children who should be in school engage in street hawking or serve as domestic servants while others are barely literate apprentices to mechanics, carpenters, vulcanisers, panel beaters and other menial workers.
This sad situation has unquestionably been alarming coupled with the bestiality of Boko Haram which has wasted many lives and property.
A critical study is needed to accurately assess the implication of child labour and how it affects our nation.
It is for this reason, that the change which Nigerians emphatically voted for in the last general election should begin to bear fruit for the sake of our much-abused children.
They must be provided with functional, affordable and qualitative education and health care.
Also their parents must be provided with good jobs that will enable them meet up child obligations to their wards. This calls for urgent and creative actions by government at all levels.
Government should prioritise education services and make them free, compulsory, relevant and attractive. Children and parents need to see school as a better option than work, as children have the right to education.
Attitudes and practices need to change concerning this situation. There is often too little objection by families and communities to children working. The government should ensure that laws are put in place to prosecute employers who also exploit children.
Government and governmental bodies need to know the various forms of labour, how many children are involved and information on the gender and ethnicity or origin of the children to understand what exposed them to such actions and proffer effective responses to their situation.
Children who are victims of worst forms of child labour be rescued immediately and provided with care and education that will make them useful to themselves and their society.
As it is, labour that affects the physical, mental or moral well-being of a child, which because of its nature requires our concern as it deprives the children of the human rights and freedom. Therefore all forms of child labour should be eliminated.
Nkemjika is an intern with The Tide.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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