Opinion
It’s ECOWAS Of People, Not Coup Plotters
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) announced recently that the three-member nations where coup plotters overthrew elected governments had finally. The three exiting West African countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic. I have nothing but condemnation for unelected soldiers overthrowing elected representatives. Interstingly, ECOWAS leaders had a summit, where they said the organisation should be less about the regional leaders and more about the people. They emphasised “ECOWAS of people”.
The leaders wanted people to be more interconnected, not just the leaders who routinely held summits. So, they introduced measures to ensure that people had this sense of community with people across member nations. How the latest decisions taken by ECOWAS leaders regarding the three exiting nations contribute to this is my focus here. In the statement the leaders put out, I noticed they chose to leave the coup plotters to do their thing while ensuring that channels were left open for contact between their citizens and the rest of the people in the region.
I believe the thinking of the ECOWAS leaders aligns with the views I have been expressing online in the past few months regarding this matter. They are as follows: Earlier on when Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic announced that they formed an alliance, I stated that they could have their alliance and still be in ECOWAS. Actually, ECOWAS, like other international bodies, is an amalgamation of nations involved in different alliances. The European Union and African Union were formed by nations that had diverse alliances among themselves. In West Africa, there were the French-speaking and English-speaking nations in alliances with France and Britain at the time ECOWAS was formed. There are other alliances based on the currency that French-speaking ECOWAS members use i.e. the CFA. Some economic and military sub-alliances remain ECOWAS functions. Even currently some West African nations jointly combat insurgency and other challenges. ECOWAS recognises them and encourages their initiatives as such help promote ECOWAS’ regional integration objective.
Furthermore, ECOWAS should take its time regarding the three exiting nations since we know that one administration goes and another comes, but a nation and its people remain. Policies in nations can change over time depending on who is in power. Therefore, ECOWAS leaders should take a long-term view of relations with the exiting nations, noting that international relations are not conducted just for the short- and medium-term, but mostly the long term. There is a long-term for the three nations in question. Whoever thinks they can rule forever with the gun, having the illusion that they are the only messiah their people have, will ultimately face reality.
In addition, ECOWAS leaders should undertake measures which ensure that democratic forces in the three nations are assisted and strengthened to demand a return to civil rule. This to me is the viable route to follow for now. Nonetheless, my expressed views did not gloss over the grudges civilians in the three nations might have against their elected leaders. Arguments about discontent among citizens are ones that some use to justify soldiers in politics. To me it is unacceptable. I stated after the latest coup in the Niger Republic that if people did not like the manner an elected leader frolicked with foreign nations perceived to be fleecing them, the better solution was to mobilise and elect leaders who represented their view on such matters.
To me, soldiers in politics are never the solution to a country’s problems. Soldiers would regiment abracadabra, introducing populist policies that are not assimilated by citizens, and when they go the same citizens return to power. We have seen this across the continent, and I am surprised some still praise soldiers in politics for any reason whatsoever. The reality is that after the initial welcome party, citizens who are muzzled by draconian laws that soldiers make would begin to gather around a cause to return to civilian rule. If this is resisted, the confusion that follows creates conditions for whatever dictators are built to be destroyed. It happened in Libya and other African nations. In Guinea, another West African nation where coup plotters are in power, civilians have begun to stage protests over the agreed transition programme that coup plotters repeatedly ignore.
Back to the thinking of ECOWAS leaders when they announced the final withdrawal of the three nations. They say ECOWAS member nations would continue to recognise all passports and identity cards bearing the ECOWAS logo held by citizens of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic. The countries would also remain in the bloc’s free-trade scheme. Interestingly, the chairman of the alliance formed by the coup plotters and Mali’s dictator said months ago that the right of ECOWAS citizens to enter, circulate, reside, establish and leave the territories of their new alliance would be maintained. So, coup plotters too want to maintain relationships with people from ECOWAS member nations. Lately, the dictator in Burkina Faso attended the swearing-in ceremony of Ghana’s new president. The three landlocked nations know they cannot close their borders; if they do they will suffer the consequences more. And who casually crosses borders for all manner of reasons? People. The three heads of coup plotters can shut themselves up in their respective nations’ capitals, but their peoples continue to meet others as one community as ECOWAS leadership envisions it.
I think the people-to-people aspect in regional relations has informed most measures adopted by ECOWAS leadership regarding the exiting nations. They should continue on this path. They isolate the coup plotters that way. Coup plotters can gather under their alliance, but a sense of community shared by their people with other people in the region will outlive their different administrations. This consciousness of one community actually informed how ECOWAS leaders did not invade the Niger Republic to restore the ousted elected leader as initially planned. For instance, it took the intervention of the traditional and religious institutions in northern Nigeria, who spoke persuasively about their bonds with peoples across the Nigerian-Nigerien borders for President Bola Tinubu to suspend the plan.
The same sense of a shared community made state governors, traditional leaders, and policymakers from Nigeria, Niger Republic, Chad and Cameroon gather lately for the Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum.
Ajibade wrote in from Lagos.
There they discussed mutual challenges in their localities and how to alleviate them. Meanwhile, worries expressed by some about the withdrawal of the three nations are legitimate. However, I have been stating that those who withdraw have more to lose than ECOWAS members. If security worsens across West Africa, ECOWAS member nations have better support systems. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic now depend on Russia for support. That is a nation that, though it can help create a nuisance situation, is itself having internal and external challenges.
As things stand, the three exiting nations and their Russian allies suffer heavy losses at the hands of insurgents. Niger Republic’s plan to export crude oil has met with setbacks in Benin Republic. Ultimately, we should not forget that certain human experiences made Libyans under Ghaddafi, for instance, become disenchanted. It made them desire to connect better with the rest of the world and be led by elected representatives. Peoples of the three nations exiting ECOWAS cannot be different if political history is anything to go by.
Tunji Ajibade
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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