Editorial
Oil Theft: That Alleged Military’s Complicity

The Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, recently expressed deep concern over the persistent loss of crude oil and its resultant negative impact on the environment. He made allegation, stating that despite his administration’s strong dedication to combat illegal bunkering activities in the state, certain officers of the Nigerian Army were involved in compromising behaviours in specific areas such as Ahoada East and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Areas.
The governor conveyed this allegation during his meeting with the Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Taoreed Abiodun Lagbaja, who paid a formal visit to the Government House in Port Harcourt. According to the governor, the implicated officers were affiliated with a specific company located in the Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area.
Fubara said, “One special problem that we have here is the issue of bunkering. In some parts of the state, in Ahoada East and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, most of the bunkering activities there, we believe, are subsisting because there is this cooperation between the Army and high-top oil companies. I am saying this because there is this road we are constructing in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, and each time the contractors approach this particular company to solicit cooperation to enable them to carry out their obligations, the military always attack the contractors.”
We commend the governor for bravely speaking out against the military’s involvement in the atrocious act, despite encountering stiff opposition to interventions. The governor’s claims have been verified and it is crucial that security agencies are compelled to disclose any member who may be collaborating with the perpetrators. The Federal Government must stay firm in its commitment, promptly fulfilling its responsibility to uncover any complicit official.
Fubara’s observation is supported by the remarks of prominent Niger Delta ex-militant leader, Asari Dokubo, who accused the Nigerian military of being responsible for a greater majority of oil theft in the country. Dokubo made this accusation following a private meeting with President Bola Tinubu in the latter’s office. He mentioned that the President had assured him of conducting an investigation into the allegations of extensive oil bunkering orchestrated by influential naval commanders who served as kingpins, and also pledged to take firm action to put an end to this ignominious practice.
The former militant leader asserted that the culpability for oil theft in the Niger Delta region lies not with the ordinary citizens, who lack the means to orchestrate such complex acts of theft. He contended that the manner in which the oil thieves have conducted their illicit activities had not only deprived the people of the Niger Delta of their means of sustenance, but also constitutes a grave crime against humanity.
To corroborate this claim, a House of Representatives committee is currently investigating the substantial oil theft in the Niger Delta after uncovering, through credible intelligence, collaboration between regulatory agencies and security agencies. The committee has said that it will examine the actions of marginal field operators who are accused of assisting in crude oil theft to compensate for production deficits. The lawmakers have already had discussions with security agencies and plan to also involve marginal field operators, as well as 14 production-sharing contract operators, and 57 joint venture operators in their investigations.
Oil theft in Nigeria is causing severe damage, with roughly 40 per cent of explored crude oil being lost due to theft and measurement inaccuracies caused by insufficient maintenance of metering facilities. The House has estimated that in 2021 alone, the country suffered a loss of $4billion, equivalent to a daily loss of 200,000 barrels. A recent statement from the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, confirmed that a staggering 400,000 barrels are being stolen each day. Consequently, Nigeria is unable to meet its current OPEC production quota of 1.8 million barrels per day.
President Bola Tinubu should investigate Governor Fubara’s claims. The military should also conduct an internal investigation to identify any collaborators within its ranks, both current and retired. In 2022, the former Chief of Defence Staff, Lucky Irabor, expressed a commitment to investigating oil theft activities after visiting oil theft sites in Delta State with oil sector executives. His successor, Chris Musa, should ensure that this promise is upheld. The Nigerian Navy should take necessary steps to remove any officer found to be involved in these illicit activities.
The most perplexing aspect of Nigeria’s oil theft situation is the deliberate act of setting vessels ablaze, either onshore or at sea, along with the captured stolen crude oil. This is done without conducting comprehensive investigations, initiating legal proceedings, or obtaining court orders. The government should cease this peculiar and extravagant practice.
The impact of oil theft on the economy is enormous, considering that crude oil contributes to about 90 per cent of the country’s revenue. According to a study published in the European Modern Studies Journal, Nigeria has suffered substantial revenue losses due to oil theft. In 2019, the country lost $2.1billion, followed by $1.9billion in 2020, $7.2billion in 2021, and a staggering $22.4billion in 2022.
The government plays a critical role in safeguarding pipelines and other economic assets, and it is imperative that they strengthen their efforts in this regard. It is essential to identify and apprehend security operatives involved in oil theft, ensuring that they face prosecution for their actions. Any collaborators within the military’s ranks must be held accountable and brought to justice.
This is one best way to ensure that the fight against crude oil theft and illegal refining of petroleum products is eliminated, so as to save the nation of the excruciating pains it faces not just because of huge revenue losses but also the damage to the environment and the consequent health complications.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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