Opinion
Third World As Theatre For Third World War?
On June 28, 1914, a Serbian patriot assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in the city of Sarajevo; that sparked the First World War, which involved more than thirty countries. Serbia, Russia, France, Britain, Italy and the US were Allies opposed by the Central Powers made up of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire. The war dragged till 11am on November 11, 1918 when the guns were silenced; in other words, the war ended on the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh month. The Second World War was between the Allied Forces of US and Europe (except Italy) on one hand and the Axis Powers of Nazi Germany, Japan and Italy on the other hand. The war spread across Europe and dragged on for six years during which Europe was devastated until the defeat of the Axis Powers in 1945.
In the recent past, US and Russia put their newly produced war machines to test in the skies and streets of Damascus and Syrian suburbs. Thus, Syria was reduced to rubbles. This snuggles to the maxim: “when two elephants fight, the grasses suffer”. Currently, the US is engaged in a proxy war with Russia and Ukraine is living with its devastating reality. How that will pan out is anyone’s guess. Today, Sub-Saharan Africa is being primed for a war that may lead to Third World War. Buoyed by alleged Russian assurances, Mali, Niger, Chad, Guinea have cancelled the post-colonial treaty entered into with France, which depends on this subregion for critical minerals. Meanwhile, the US perceives Niamey’s overt flirtation with Moscow as a threat to democracy and capitalism. So for US, it is an ideological issue. Therefore, economy and ideology present the common grounds for France and US to collaborate to keep Niger in line.
Irrespective of the battered Nigerian economy and widespread frustration of Nigerians, Abuja is posturing as the arrowhead against Niger in violation of extant Niger-Nigeria treaties. Meanwhile, burdened by foreign indebtedness, Nigeria can barely fund its military to deal with domestic threats. Yet, Nigeria is on the verge of being nudged by US and France into going to war in defence of their interests and risk confrontation with Russia. Have the gods made Nigerian leaders mad? Nigeria should know better than go to war on behalf of parasitic predator world powers to enforce democracy. What happened to the principle of ‘Non interference’ which the West preaches. Obi Aguocha MHR prays thus: “May our Government be properly guided”. Tinubu should know that centrifugal forces in our national life are currently at their most intense.
Proponents of disintegrative nationalism are eager to move ‘to their tents’ if a political cataclysm of national proportions erupts. Tinubu needs to study Nigeria’s experience during its intervention in Chad in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Suffice to summarise that experience thus: the West encouraged Nigeria to intervene in Chad. Nigeria did and was left high and dry. Political pundits hold that the dismal outing spurred the coup of December 1983. Incontrovertibly, international merchants of mass murder are of the same nationality with the countries that are encouraging ECOWAS to go to war for democracy, which is barely practised in the subregion. Like vultures, the West seeks to depopulate the continent to the delight of the likes of Bill Gate and hand the region’s resources to the West. From slave trade through Berlin Conference, which ushered in colonialism, to neocolonialism and the current façade of imperialism called globalisation, Europe and America have always had their predator-vulture-eyes zoomed in on the resources of Africa.
During Second World War, Adolf Hitler of Nazi Germany gave Ferdinand Porsche marching orders to produce an air-cooled engine in forty-eight hours to enable Nazi forces to cross Sahara desert, annihilate the people and take over the resources of West Africa. When OPEC embarked on what the West called petro-dollar war in the early 1970s, President Richard Nixon deployed US submarine to the coasts of Nigeria to cow Nigeria into not cooperating with OPEC. Confronted about that obvious infringement of international law, Nixon said thus: “Any decision against US interest is a declaration of war”. President George Bush I once said that “We need Africa without the Africans” and in referring to Africans, Henry Kissinger suggested that “we should get rid of the useless eaters”.
It is now public knowledge that syphilis, AIDS and COVID-19 were cultured in the laboratories of the West for biological warfare targeted at Africans. The West is fixated with Project Eugenics. US invested over $100 million constructing a drone base in Niger, which it stands to lose with Niger’s flirtation with Russia. Again, France procured 33 per cent of her uranium from Niger for the past three decades while the US got 14 per cent of its uranium from Russia. With the Russian source in jeopardy, US is looking towards Niger to fill that gap. So, for US and France, their source of uranium is at stake along with US drone base. On the other hand, two Russian White Swan Strategic Supersonic Nuclear Bombers made a symbolic landing in South Africa recently just to make a point in the global power equation,
Amid this turmoil, Paris insists it must be business as usual. Investigative journalist, Alex Rubinstein, holds that the future of Western economies relies on the exploitation of West Africa. Therefore, the West is waging a survivalist war. He concludes that what is at risk in West Africa today is a regional proxy war that has the potential of precipitating world war. A tweet credited to Femi Fani-Kayode holds that Burkina Faso and Mali have deployed fighter jets to Niger to assist in the event of an invasion. The tweet furthers that Russian Wagner forces have been deployed to Niamey to assist the junta in the event of an attack. Meanwhile, ECOWAS commanders say the D-Day for an attack “has been set”. West Africa is a ticking time bomb. Given the above, the leaders of AU and ECOWAS should be conscious and cautious of the resilience and resolute mindset of imperialism. Diplomatic solutions should be sought. They should not allow the Third World to become the theater of Third World War.
Osai is a Professor of Development Studies, Rivers State University.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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