Opinion
Kuje Prison Break: A Prelude
Since 2015, Nigeria has suffered the average of two prison breaks per year. On the whole, there has been a total of 15 prison breaks, leading to the escape of 7000 inmates. In 2020 alone, the Nigerian Correctional Service(NCoS) recorded a total of 5000 escapees due to prison breaks. However, the audacity of the July 4 Kuje prison break has taken the issue of prison breaks in Nigeria to an entirely new dimension. The idea that a terrorist group like the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) could bring in their assets, and brazenly attack NCoS facility that is in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) for two hours, indicates that the security architecture of the country has collapsed.
This is indeed a challenge to President Muhammadu Buhari, whose predecessor, former president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, a man without any military orientation, yet never recorded prison breaks as rampant as it has been in the past seven years. The president’s incpacitation in addressing security matters in the nation has excused the flaws of the Minister for Interior, Rauf Aregbesola, and his defence counterpart, Bashir Magashi, against the people’s expectation. Apparently, with the tedium of prison breaks since last year, he has shown himself as lacking the capacity to make changes in the middle of the game to win. If the report that the terrorists attacked the facility with 300 men is true, then nowhere is safe in the country; not even Aso Rock which is 47 Km, or 56 minutes drive away.
It is then necessary to question the function of the security agencies, especially, the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), the Department of State Service (DSS), the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), or the Intelligence Unit of the Nigerian Police Force. Have they not all demonstrated gross incompetence? Going by the figure made available by the NCoS, more than 400 escapees are still at large out of the 879; and some leaders of Boko Haram are among the 69 escapees that are terrorists. At the scenes of the attack, all President Buhari could offer was his disappointment. In his words, “I am disappointed with the Intelligence system. How can terrorists organise, ship weapons, attack a security installation and get away with it? You can imagine how this Commander-in-Chief has brought the highest office in the land and the country to ridicule.
At this point, how can we be sure that he even pays attention to the contents of his security briefing? Because. if he does, he ought to have known of the collapse of the intelligence gathering system of the country. Maybe, his ignorance was the outcome of his ineptitude at choosing the right people and matching them with responsibilities in the areas of their strength. If not, Rauf Aregbesola would have known the business running the Ministry of Interior. It was even hard for him to get the number of escaped inmates right. Instead of tendering his resignation, the minister concocted a theory, implying that the brazen attack was a result of the degradation of Boko Haram in the North East. He seems completely oblivious of the level of planning and resources involved in executing such an attack. Degradation is just a way of saying the government has its face in the mud.
With the series of prison breaks since 2015, both ministers ought to have been on top of their game. According to the Minister of Interior “We have a world class facility here by any standard”, but there were no CCTV cameras installed in the facility. Even the comments of the Senate President, Armed Lawal, put it quite succinctly during his visit to the facility when he said, “How on earth does a centre of this magnitude in the FCT not have any CCTV? It means we can say that all other medium security custodial centres across the country do not have CCTV.” During the attack, four inmates were reported to have died, while sixteen others sustained varying degrees of injuries. Unfortunately, vital information is missing from the report, indicating if the dead or wounded inmates were awaiting trial or convicted. Imagine an innocent inmate awaiting trial cut in the crossfire, and maybe, killed in the process.
Prison breaks in Nigeria have become a reoccurring decimal, growing in scale, intensity, and sophistication. Under President Buhari, there have been 15 major prison breaks, leading to the escape of more than 7,000 inmates. In fact, the first major breaking in the country this year was the Mandala Prison break in Ilorin, on January 2, 2022, where three inmates escaped; followed by the prison break on May 13, 2022, at Agbor prison, Delta State, leading to the escape of another three inmates. And July 4, 2022, Kuje Prison break, where an uncertain number of inmates escaped, including 69 Boko Haram commanders.
The year 2021 was the official year for prison breaks; on April 4, 2021, in the Owerri prison break, 1,844 inmates escaped; on September 13, 2021, in Kabba prison break, Kogi, 240 inmates were freed; on October 22, 2021, in Abolongo prison, Oyo break, 837 inmates escaped; on July 19, 2021, in Jos maximum security prison break, four inmates escaped. On November 28, 2021, in Jos medium security prison attack, 262 inmates escaped and 10 were killed. On October 19, 2020, Oko Prison in Edo was attacked during the EndSARS saga; on October 21, 2020, another Benin Prison break saw 1,993 inmates escape from the two facilities; on October 22, 2020, in Okitipupa prison break, 58 inmates were released.
On June 4, 2018 – Minna Maximum Security prison break, 210 inmates’ escaped. On October 7, 2017, the Enugu Maximum prison break happened and two inmates escaped; on December 27, 2017, IkotEkpene Prison was attacked and 47 inmates escaped. On September 3, 2015, in Sokoto Remand Home break, 13 inmates escaped. The ominous nature of this incident portends grave danger for the safety of law-abiding citizens. It means that these men can be in any part of the country, on the bus, or loitering around your neighbourhood. The sad part is that most of these convicts know no other way of life, but crime; but, the truth is, the escape of common or hardened criminals is nothing to be compared to the escape of terrorist commanders who are leading the war on Nigeria’s destruction.
For instance, one of the escaped Boko Haram commanders was seen in a viral video that emerged two Sundays ago, where kidnapped victims of the ill-fated Abuja/ Kaduna train attacks were being flogged. How shall we then protect ourselves living in a country with an upended security infrastructure, especially when the Commander-in-Chief who took an oath to protect us is eager to leave office, instead of getting down to the saddle to fight the war started by his policies? Death is staring us in the faces because of the murderous incompetence, and nepotism of President Buhari, but he was in Liberia giving a lecture on security. There is an Igbo aphorism, that you do not chase rats, while your house is on fire.
President Buhari would have been declared a hero if he toed the line of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Tanko Mohammed, and resigned; or, listened to his kinsmen from the Northern Elders Forum and do all of us the favour of handing over to a more competent and energetic Vice President Osibanjo. Of course, this would never happen; we all are like sheep for the slaughter. God save us all.
By: Raphael Pepple
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
