Editorial
2023 Census: Misplaced Priority
The current steps by the National Population Commission (NPC) toward organising a census for the country next year April is untimely and inappropriate, being so close to the next general election; and at a time of very significant security problems bedevilling virtually the whole country. These situations will definitely impact the census’ result adversely. Even by its acknowledgement, the NPC’s pre-census test being performed in some areas of the country are being stymied by overwhelming safety issues in some states.
Sadly, the NPC disdained the well-intentioned advice of the House of Representatives that the project should be put off because of the unstable circumstances in the country. The horrendous security condition is elevating concerns of accurate count. The Federal Government should not venture a wild goose chase. Census is a massive endeavour that requires a long time of organisation and development.
The truth, however, is that insecurity in the country is far more horrible than the image projected by the NPC. And given also the deplorable economic condition of the nation, it is time the commission explored other means outside census to execute its responsibility of extrapolating Nigeria’s population to intensify its planning and growth.
There is no part of the country that is safe. The widespread killings, abductions, and banditry across the nation will put enormous pressure on safety at every juncture of the census activity. The alternative is to employ modern technology and digital databases to subjugate the impediments, incorporating all the data from formal and informal sources to make a reasonable prognostication.
The manual procedure being adopted by the NPC is becoming anachronistic, error-ridden and vulnerable to manipulation. It should give way to new technologies for enumeration and data collection. According to a recent survey by the United Nations, more than 30 countries or areas are providing an option for Internet-based self-enumeration given that “new technologies contribute to improving the completeness, timeliness and quality of census results.” That is the way forward.
Many countries have espoused modern technologies such as mobile devices, geospatial information systems and the Internet in a census operation. For example, the United Kingdom conducted a census of all its constituent units in 2011. It was the first UK census undertaken completely online. The United States turned to aerial imagery and other technologies to mitigate the need to send workers door to door and limit temporary hires. Nigeria should work towards adopting such new methods.
The government should not set innocent citizens in harm’s way for conducting a headcount. Consequently, President Muhammadu Buhari should not submit to scare tactics from the commission to authorise or discharge funds for the census. Already, the NPC management is ruing the endorsement and even anticipating that if the money required for the activity from the government is inadequate, it would get reasonable appropriation from global backers.
Clearly, the quandary at hand is a very auspicious prescription for a failure of any headcount at this moment, which is better circumvented than added to the many miseries that had depicted census in this country. All the earlier censuses were contentious, and it does not make any sense to carry out a census just for it when all the indicators demonstrate apparent unfavourable aftermath.
Incidentally, Nigeria has had a variegated history with the conduct of the census exercise even before its Independence in 1960. It had its maiden census in 1911 in the colonial epoch, though it was confined to a tiny portion of what became Nigeria. However, it yet organised its first national census in 1921. This was accentuated by scanty staffing and boycotts by the public, who saw it as a harbinger of higher taxes. Successive headcounts were characterised by a similar antagonistic norm.
Another enumeration was due in 2016 after the last exercise in 2006, but the country has been unable to proceed with it. The 2006 exercise rolled in a hotly excoriated and ambiguous figure of 140 million, which became a subject of litigation. For instance, the results indicated that Kano in the North was Nigeria’s most populous state with 9.4 million, followed by Lagos’ 9.0 million in the South. Also, Northern states accounted for 75 million people, while those in the South were home to 65 million. Census and national elections have had an alienating outcome on the country for decades.
Why is the NPC bent on having a census despite the odds? Is the commission out to do a good job, or just to spend the huge money being budgeted for the project? No doubt, a valid census is crucial for planning and development objectives for the country. But it should be executed properly. The census had been put off twice in 2016 and 2018 following several controversial factors that have still not abated but intensified instead and worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Though, the place of precise and reliable data cannot be overemphasised since its absence will spell doom for a nation’s development; however, it is inconceivable that any serious-minded government should ever consider human population enumeration amidst an atmosphere of unprecedented insecurity, mistrust, unrestrained corruption, and immanent economic woes. It would be like a similar exercise conducted in 1974 which the succeeding Murtala Muhammed military junta instantly jettisoned on the assumption of office in 1975.
We think that the Federal Government should put aside the idea of a census for the next government, which should tackle insecurity first before the census. A country that is facing existential challenges cannot have as one of its priorities the conduct of a national census. The current administration should discontinue what will aggregate to misadventure and waste of scarce national resources.
What should disconcert the Buhari regime is restoring the credence of a large section of citizens in the Nigerian project, resuscitate peace in areas held by criminal elements and douse tension in the country to promote favourable buy-in and participation. A national census now is necessarily not a preference, presuming that its conduct is feasible.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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