Editorial
Saving The Naira
These are not the best of times for the Nigerian national currency, the Naira. It is buffeted on all sides by a fast depreciating value. Already, the weak local currency is taking a toll on the nation’s economy which is now encountering declining industrial production, massive job losses, escalating cost of living, worsening insecurity and difficulties in transportation, among others. When condensed, they present a hazardous slide towards a comprehensive economic meltdown. The flit needs to be stalled.
The Naira has been in a free fall. It plunged to a new low of N620 to US$1 last week in the parallel market, heightening fears of a further devaluation by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). According to data published by FMDQ Group, where forex is officially traded, the Naira, which opened trading at N426.63, closed at N430.33 to a dollar last Friday. Experts say this is the weakest the Naira has exchanged this year. This upturns fiscal planning in the public and private sectors.
As businesses and citizens fussed over the foreign exchange volatility and its attendant negative effects, the CBN raised the benchmark interest rate from 11.5 per cent to 13 per cent for the first time in two years. This will invariably push inflation further up. The local currency is diminishing steadily following increased speculation, receding external reserves, and low forex inflows.
External reserves fell by $313 million in March, says the CBN. The rise in the acceleration of political activities is seen also as a key factor in the depreciating exchange rate. Meanwhile, politicians are reportedly mopping up dollars for the 2023 electioneering. The Federal Government is not managing the headwinds effectively. The country remains import-dependent and relies on crude oil for over 80 per cent of its foreign earnings.
Nigeria is not profiting from the increasing oil prices fuelled by the Russia-Ukraine war. This is because of a lack of capability to heighten production as a result of enormous crude oil thievery and dwindling investment. Diaspora remittances, which depict an important source of forex inflow into the country, have been on the fall recently from $12.3 billion in the second half of 2018 to $9.3 billion in the first half of 2021, according to CBN data.
The collapsing Naira is a huge trouble for our nation. The random way the CBN has been overseeing the economy is a reason for worry. The system is replete with contrariety, patronisation and corruption. Analysts fear the currency may wreck farther N1,000 to $1 shortly. The apex bank’s many exchange rate regimes power massive fraud. Connected operators generate tremendous profits, while those in the real sector can scarcely procure forex. They are compelled to get dollars from the parallel market, as the official sources rarely satisfy a fraction of their demands.
This is further worsened by the CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele’s recent involvement in politics which has corroded the modicum of faith Nigerians and international investors had in the CBN’s capacity to navigate the economy on the corridor of advancement and oversee inflation, forex, and interest rates. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said inflation jumped to 18.6 per cent this month, the highest this year, following a comparable uptick recorded last month on the back of higher energy and food prices.
Again, Nigeria’s cumulative debt burden rose to N39.55 trillion in December 2021, denoting N1.55 trillion or a 4.1 per cent increase in three months from N38 trillion in September 2021. The regime’s craving for borrowing is phenomenal. Last April, President Muhammadu Buhari solicited authorisation for an upswing in the 2022 budget deficit to be financed through domestic borrowing a few days after the Debt Management Office (DMO) disclosed a schedule of the Federal Government’s N720 billion domestic borrowing plans for the second quarter of 2022.
Industry cessations and the attendant job losses, congestion at the ports, and rising JET-A1 price that has almost incapacitated the domestic aviation industry are unmistakable signs of a falling economy. The Federal Government should put a stop to borrowings in another phoney bid to rebuild the doomed refineries, the Ajaokuta Steel Company and other unreasonable overheads.
For the Nigerian Naira to grow, the exchange rate must stabilise. The current situation has already affected the country’s manufacturers significantly. For instance, how do manufacturers who import raw materials strategise in a regime of volatile exchange rates? Many of them have complained bitterly about how the plummeting exchange rates impacted their planning and put them in a most difficult situation.
Furthermore, foreign investors have to be attracted to the nation’s capital market. The problem requires a multi-pronged solution, and it is achievable if more seriousness is attached to it. The concerns that make capital importation dwindle must be addressed. The absence of foreign investors is drying up the source of foreign exchange which could have provided succour to the waning currency.
The highly exorbitant political system Nigeria runs is not boosting the Naira. For example, presidential aspirants under the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) paid a minimum of N100 million to obtain the party’s presidential form, while the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) expended N40 million. At the just concluded convention of the two leading parties, it was reported that delegates were reimbursed profoundly in dollars.
Meanwhile, the electioneering span has just begun, and now the Naira is exchanged for N620/$ at the parallel market. More money will still be injected into the political space in an election season such as this. Therefore, there is no assurance that the exchange rate will not worsen. The economy cannot experience any meaningful growth if this particular trend is not stopped.
Efforts are also needed in demand management to promote Nigerian-made goods, manufacturers source raw materials, and eliminate political interference in foreign exchange allocation to qualified end users. If these policies and many others are not adopted, the rapid depreciation of the Naira would prolong indefinitely, with its concomitant effect on the inflation rate. These would not be in the overall best interest of the palpitating Nigerian economy.
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
