Editorial
Still On Security In Nigeria
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and the largest economy, has severely suffered ethnic, religious and political violence since its independence from Britain in 1960. It went through a Civil War between 1967 and 1970, the Maitasine crisis in the 1980s, sporadic ethno-pastoral conflicts, particularly in the Middle Belt, and militancy in the oil-producing Niger Delta region in the southern part of the country.
In the past decade, there has been a spate of violent attacks linked to the group notoriously known as Boko Haram in the Northern part of the country where thousands of lives have been lost and extensive property damage suffered, setting the already slow development of the region even further backwards. Agitation by pro-Biafra group in the South-East for the establishment of a Sovereign State of Biafra raises concerns.
Also, the conflict between nomadic herdsmen, cattle rustlers, and farmers has most recently expanded to other parts of the country with an escalation in the spate of violent clashes resulting in several deaths with entire villages being burnt down, and animals and farmlands destroyed. Bandits later appeared as the new bogeyman of insecurity in Nigeria, joining a long list of others.
Exploiting a weak Nigerian security system, bandits/terrorists attacked Kaduna International Airport on 25 March 2022. Over 200 invaders seized navigational equipment, interrupted flights and openly confronted troops. Before they were repelled by the Nigeria Army and Air Force, they had inflicted further massive damage on the national psyche. An official of Nigeria’s Airspace Management Agency was shot and killed in the invasion.
Apparently emboldened by the seeming victory they recorded at the airport, the bandits, on 28 March 2022, tweaked their game plan and moved to lay ambush for the public train that runs between Kaduna and Abuja ferrying millions of passengers daily between the two major cities. The killers successfully and without any challenge, laid tonnes of explosives on the rail track, and they succeeded in their evil scheme.
About a year ago, armed bandits attacked the staff quarters of the Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) at the Kaduna International Airport and abducted about 12 people. Terrorists also carried out large-scale attacks on the United Nations (UN) headquarters in Abuja and Kano, and kidnapped hundreds of students in the North. But a major bandit attack on an airport is out of the ordinary.
In July 2021, an Alpha military airplane was shot down at the border between Zamfara and Kaduna. Amazingly, the military did not respond with the expected ferocity against the insurgents. The feeble response encouraged terrorist operatives to attack the Nigeria Defence Academy (NDA) the following month, when two officers were killed and one abducted. Under Buhari, even the military is unsafe.
These attacks heavily portray Nigeria as a failed state and raises questions about the ability of security agencies, especially the police, military, and the State Security Service to secure strategic assets, lives, and property. As the state is confronted with regular daily incursions by Fulani bandits and militias, security operatives should not be caught napping again.
Security agents must explain how about 200 bandits were able to travel long distances to the airport on 70 to 80 undetected, uninterrupted motorcycles. Does a state under the siege of criminals not have a 24-hour surveillance, patrol, and intelligence system? Shamefully, President Muhammadu Buhari remains in denial and refuses to take control.
Bandits have taken these deliberate killings to the sovereignty of our country, well beyond what is understandable. The Federal Government must accept failure and present a very strong front to ensure that these attacks do not take place any further. And for it to stop, someone needs to be held accountable to act as a deterrent to others.
The airport breach rekindles widespread fear that Nigeria is on the verge of a cliff. Kaduna is host to the elite 1st Division of the Nigerian Army; Nigerian Army Depot, Zaria; Armed Forces Command and Staff College, Jaji; Nigerian Defence Industry, Nigerian Airforce Training School, Nigerian Police College and the Nigerian Navy School of Armament, Kachia.
Other military institutions in Kaduna are: The Nigerian Army School of Legal Services, Bassawa Zaria; the Nigerian Defence Academy; the Nigerian Army School of Artillery, Kachia; the Nigerian Army School of Military Police; Army Operation Base, Southern Kaduna and the Nigerian Army School of Infantry.
With these and other security agencies operating in Kaduna, the state and its environs should have become a veritable military fortress that cannot be easily overrun by bandits or terrorists. But this is not the case. It has paradoxically suffered more attacks by daring bandits and terrorists than many other states in the North or any other part of the country.
These audacious attacks have come in torrents and destructive fashion, leading to the killing of thousands of innocent persons, destruction of key national infrastructure and the kidnapping for ransom of very important Nigerians. Members of the armed forces have also fallen victims to the ravenous elements, which apparently are always on the lookout for top officials to maim, kill or kidnap for pecuniary gains.
Nigerians are playing with fate. Insensitive and entirely selfish politicians are preoccupied by the 2023 elections as the country collapses. To avoid the impending doom, strong voices must demand action from the Buhari regime. Nigeria needs an urgent security reform. States should meet the challenge by organising well-armed security outfits to complement inadequate and failing federal agencies. This war needs to be about intelligence and technology.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
Editorial
Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities
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