Editorial

Maintaining Stance On Zoning

Published

4 years ago

April 18, 2022

The zoning of the position of President in line with the doctrine of North-South rotation has been the most controversial issue for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) entering the general election in 2023. Superficially, at least, it has pitted the South against the party’s North, as presidential candidates on both sides drool at the prospect of running in an election in which incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari will not be a candidate.
The Southern PDP governors first stirred the tiff last July when they joined their compatriots from other parties in the Southern Governors Forum to demand that Buhari’s successor should be from their region. Socio-political groups in the South such as Ohanaeze Ndigbo in the South-East, Afenifere in the South-West and PANDEF in the South-South also responded to the uproar, while the Middle Belt Forum gave a sharp voice of support from the North.
Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State has become the face of the agitation, recently criticising former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Senate President Bukola Saraki and others from the North who bought nomination forms from the PDP. Wike contends that the ticket should be zoned to the South, principally because of its last candidate, Abubakar, from the North in 2019. Moreover, Buhari has kept the seat in the same region since 2015, albeit in the rival All Progressives Congress (APC).
A decision to cede the position to the South will automatically shut the door on the faces of some of the party’s most distinguished and enduring aspirants like Abubakar, Saraki, Governor Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto State and Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, all of whom have been up and about with their current campaigns. If the race is open, aspirants from the South will have to compete with their more experienced and connected Northern rivals, which was not the case in the last election cycle in 2019, when all options were North.
Recall that the PDP had adopted the concept of zoning from inception to promote national unity. Section 7 (2) (c) of the party’s constitution states: “In pursuance of the principle of equity, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of rotation and zoning of the party and public executive offices.” This has since seen its presidential ticket oscillate between the two regions.
In 1999, prominent Northern aspirants like Adamu Ciroma, Bamanga Tukur and Atiku did not run, leaving the new party largely in the hands of former military head of state, Olusegun Obasanjo, and the Vice President of the Second Republic, Alex Ekwueme. A radical Kano politician, the late Abubakar Rimi, who opposed the decision, was eventually persuaded by his Northern colleagues to drop his nomination form.
Consequently, the likes of Wike, Governor Udom Emmanuel of Akwa Ibom State and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu State have been consistent in their call for a similar scenario to play out this time, with the South as the beneficiary zone. Sadly, the National Chairman of the PDP, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, has not been able to take a categorical stand on the zoning imbroglio that threatens the unity of the party.
The sobriety of the zoning puzzle is underscored by the fact that while the eight PDP governors from the South joined their counterparts in the party from the same region to relentlessly demand that the presidential candidate comes from their area, the five others from the North, as well as other stakeholders from their area want the position to be open to all and sundry.
We think that the issue deserves a critical and decisive action, as the zoning principle is captured in Article 7 of the PDP Constitution, where the party states that it will adhere to the principle of elective offices among the various regions in the country. Common sense dictates that after eight years of Buhari from the North-West, his successor should come from the South. Also, since the PDP currently has its safest states in the South-South and South-East, it is only wise for it to compensate the zones with the presidential ticket.
In the 2018 primaries, the Southern politicians in the PDP left the field for their Northern counterparts for the 2019 presidential election. Everyone who has followed the PDP, either as an insider or from a distance knows that there is an understanding that power rotates between the North and the South. This was amply demonstrated when only Northern politicians in the party contested the presidential primaries because Goodluck Jonathan, the last President of the party, is from the South. So, now what has changed?
Nigeria did not begin in 1999. Between 1960 when the country gained independence and now, the North has produced leaders for more than 40 of the 61 post-independence years. The PDP needs to be circumspect and decide according to its constitution. It is crucial to guard against the ploy of the ruling party which may seek to exploit the situation, particularly because while it was embroiled in a crisis of confidence in the bid to elect a substantive national leadership, the opposition party had a seamless process that threw up a new leadership since October 2021.
No doubt, Nigeria needs men with vision and pedigree to guarantee a new lease of life in the next political dispensation. Interestingly, the Southern part of the country has a full complement of capable, competent, compassionate, courageous and solid persons who can deliver on the promises of heralding a new Nigeria. Hence, the PDP should consider zoning the ticket to the South. Leaving the position open cannot be the best option for the party.
The fact that the party’s national chairman comes from the North renders any argument for the presidential flag bearer to emerge from anywhere irrational and unpatriotic. It is an argument of convenience that is neither persuasive nor compelling. If the main opposition party jettisons the zoning convention, it will violently breach its constitution and harm the chances of victory, putting itself in harm’s way. This will equally imperil internal democracy, national unity, and bring about the desertion of its original stronghold, the Southern belt.

Editorial

That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects

Published

16 hours ago

August 10, 2026

The Tide

There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.

The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.

We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.

This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.

The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.

The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.

Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.

There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.

By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.

Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.

Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.

Editorial

Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count

Published

1 week ago

August 3, 2026

The Tide

The presentation of the proposed 2026 Rivers State budget marks a critical moment in the state’s development journey. Tagged the Budget of Resilience for Growth and Development, the N1.854 trillion appropriation seeks to consolidate progress in infrastructure, human capital development, and security. At a time when economic uncertainty still confronts many states, the proposal projects optimism about Rivers State’s fiscal future. However, beyond ambitious figures and lofty promises, the real measure of success will lie in disciplined implementation and measurable outcomes.

The proposed revenue projection of N1.854 trillion represents a 24.49 per cent increase over the adjusted 2025 budget. The expectation of higher receipts from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), derivation funds, and internally generated revenue reflects confidence in improving national economic conditions. Yet, caution remains imperative. Heavy reliance on federally distributed revenue continues to expose the state to fluctuations in oil prices and national fiscal policy. Strengthening internally generated revenue through improved tax administration, expanded economic activities, and prudent financial management should remain a long-term priority.

The recurrent expenditure of N413.11 billion appears reasonably contained when compared with the capital allocation of N1.405 trillion. This translates to a capital-to-recurrent ratio of roughly 77:23, a distribution that suggests a deliberate emphasis on development projects rather than routine government spending. Such fiscal discipline deserves commendation, provided that recurrent obligations, including salaries, pensions, and operational costs, are settled promptly without compromising service delivery.

One notable aspect of the recurrent budget is the provision for new recruitments, increased overheads, and the settlement of gratuities, pensions, and death benefits. The government’s commitment to clearing inherited liabilities offers renewed hope to retired civil servants who have endured years of uncertainty. This approach reflects both compassion and administrative responsibility. Nevertheless, increased personnel costs should be accompanied by improved productivity, accountability, and performance within the public service.

Infrastructure understandably dominates the capital budget, with over N533.32 billion allocated to works and infrastructure. Roads, bridges, and other public facilities remain essential to economic growth, investment attraction, and regional integration. In a state whose economy depends significantly on commerce and logistics, better transport networks can stimulate business activities and reduce the cost of moving goods and services. The true test will be whether projects are completed on schedule and according to specification.

Education emerges as another major beneficiary, receiving an allocation of N315 billion. This substantial investment recognises that human capital remains the strongest foundation for sustainable development. Better schools, improved learning facilities, teacher development, and educational technology can transform the future of Rivers State. However, funding alone is not enough. Effective monitoring, transparent procurement, and measurable learning outcomes must accompany this transformative investment if the education sector is to achieve lasting impact.

Healthcare receives N105.43 billion, making it one of the largest sectoral allocations. While the amount demonstrates government recognition of the importance of public health, citizens will expect tangible improvements in hospitals, primary healthcare centres, medical equipment, and personnel welfare. The lessons of recent global health emergencies have shown that resilient healthcare systems are indispensable to economic stability. Every community should experience the benefits of this important investment, particularly rural and underserved areas.

Agriculture receives just over N19.26 billion, while power is allocated N15 billion. These allocations deserve careful examination because agriculture and reliable electricity remain key drivers of diversification and employment. Rivers State possesses considerable agricultural potential, but productivity remains below expectations. Increased investment in mechanisation, extension services, storage facilities, and agro-processing could generate thousands of jobs. Likewise, improved electricity infrastructure would stimulate manufacturing and small businesses. It would be unfortunate to put all the eggs in one basket by relying overwhelmingly on oil revenues while these productive sectors remain relatively underfunded.

The social sector allocation of N435.41 billion encompasses education, healthcare, youth development, women affairs, sports, and community development. These sectors directly affect the quality of life of citizens and deserve sustained attention. Youth empowerment programmes, women-focused initiatives, and community development projects can reduce unemployment, promote inclusion, and strengthen social cohesion. Such investments are indispensable if the state intends to build lasting peace and prosperity.

The allocations to the judiciary and the Rivers State House of Assembly equally deserve attention. Strong democratic institutions are fundamental to accountability, the rule of law, and effective governance. Adequate funding should strengthen judicial efficiency and legislative oversight rather than merely expand administrative expenditure. Public confidence will increase only when institutional funding translates into better justice delivery, transparency, and responsible governance.

While the budget’s ambitions are commendable, enforcement remains the decisive challenge. Nigeria’s public finance history is replete with budgets that promised much but delivered far less. Timely releases, strict procurement processes, independent monitoring, and regular public reporting should, therefore, become the cornerstone of execution. Transparency is not merely a slogan but an indispensable requirement for sustaining public trust. In this regard, the government’s pledge that every kobo will be spent wisely must be matched by verifiable evidence.

In all, the proposed 2026 Rivers State budget presents a bold opportunity to accelerate development across critical sectors. Its emphasis on infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social investment aligns with the state’s long-term aspirations. Yet, as the popular saying goes, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. The Rivers State House of Assembly must subject the estimates to rigorous scrutiny before approval, while the executive must ensure faithful implementation. If transparency, fiscal discipline, and accountability guide execution, this budget could indeed become a genuine blueprint for resilience, inclusive growth, and sustainable development for Rivers people.

Editorial

Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities

Published

2 weeks ago

July 27, 2026

The Tide

The Rivers State Government’s promise to improve boundary security has given residents hope at a time when insecurity is becoming a serious concern. Speaking at the 3rd Annual National Assembly/Border and Boundary Community Stakeholders’ Interface in Abuja, Deputy Governor Ngozi Nma Odu called for stronger cooperation between the Federal Government, security agencies, traditional rulers, and local communities. The meeting focused on how better border/boundary management can improve security and support economic growth. Rivers people now expect these promises to lead to real action.

However, many residents are asking whether enough is being done to protect the state’s boundaries. Crimes that were once common only in some northern parts of the country are now being reported in Rivers State. According to the Nigeria Security Tracker of the Council on Foreign Relations, the South-South recorded 287 violent deaths linked to crime in 2025, representing a 19 per cent increase compared with 2023. These figures show that strong action is urgently needed.

Many communities, especially those near state boundaries, have little or no police presence. Some have no police post or station at all, making it easier for criminals to operate. The Nigerian Bureau of Statistics reported in its 2024 Crime Survey that only 31 per cent of rural communities in the South-South have a functioning police presence within 10 kilometres. This leaves many residents without adequate protection.

There are also repeated reports that armed herders have entered forests in the Ikwerre area and other parts of the state. If these reports are correct, they should be treated as a serious security threat. Many people say they face kidnapping, attacks, and harassment from armed criminals hiding in the forests. Slow official responses have increased public worry and reduced confidence.

Although the Federal Government controls the country’s security agencies, the Rivers State Government also has an important role to play. Governor Siminalayi Fubara, as the state’s chief security officer, should take stronger steps to protect lives and property. Criminals should not be allowed to enter the state freely while people live in fear. Waiting for others to act is like burying one’s head in the sand.

Security at the state’s boundaries should start with thorough screening of everyone entering Rivers State through officially recognised entry points. The Nigeria Police Force has the authority to carry out stop-and-search operations where necessary. Well-planned, intelligence-based checks can help prevent criminals and illegal weapons from entering the state without affecting lawful travellers and businesses. Weak borders/boundaries encourage crime.

Local government chairmen should also play a leading role because they are closest to the people. They can work with vigilante groups, traditional rulers, and community leaders to gather and share useful security information. According to the CLEEN Foundation’s 2023 report, Policing and Public Safety in Nigeria, 68 per cent of Nigerians believe that properly supervised community policing helps to reduce crime. Rivers State should make better use of this approach.

The Deputy Governor’s call for inclusive border/boundary governance should include local chiefs, youth leaders, women groups, and other community stakeholders. Their involvement will improve the sharing of information and make it easier to respond quickly to security threats. After all, prevention is better than cure.

The state should also invest in modern security equipment such as drones, communication radios, and solar-powered surveillance posts at important boundary locations. These are practical tools that can improve security in a state as important and geographically complex as Rivers. No community can truly develop where people live in fear.

Better security will also strengthen the economy. Boundary communities support farming, trade, and social ties with Abia, Imo, Akwa Ibom, and Bayelsa states. Insecurity disrupts business activities, discourages investors, and affects lawful trade. The World Bank stated in its 2024 Nigeria Development Update that insecurity at the state level can reduce local economic growth by as much as 2.5 per cent each year.

The Rivers State Government should, therefore, move beyond meetings and public statements by taking practical steps. More police posts should be established, community vigilante groups should receive proper training and support, and regular security meetings should be held with neighbouring states. The decisions reached in Abuja will have little value unless they are fully implemented.

The safety of Rivers people should never be delayed or left to others alone. While cooperation with the Federal Government is necessary, the state must take the lead in protecting its people and boundaries. If urgent actions are not taken, lawlessness could become more common. Rivers State must act now before the chickens come home to roost.