Opinion
SIM Bar And Agony Of Defaulters
The harmer finally fell last week, when the Minister for Communication and Digital Economy, Issa Pantami ordered Telco’s to bar outgoing calls from all mobile SIM yet to be linked with the National Identity Number (NIN). This order was given in spite of the fact that about119 million mobile lines are yet to be linked, and this figure is 16.7 percent of the 71 million already linked lines. At the last count, the lines of 71 million Nigerians have been blocked.
The Federal Government informed the country that there are now 15,000 NIN enrollment centres across the country, where Nigerians can register for the NIN without stress. However, the tsunami of queues across the country tells a different story entirely. People are virtually sleeping at these enrollment centres; most times coming back home at the close of work. Many close their businesses to enable them to get enrolled, but they lose on both fronts. But this has been the case, even before the April 4th enforcement.
If indeed the FG deployed 15,000 enrollment systems across the country, each state should at least have 405 official centres where residents could go and enroll with ease, and for free. And if adjustments are made for local governments with huge populations, a city like Port Harcourt should have nothing less than 50 centres; while other local government areas share a minimum of 15 enrollment centres. But this is not the case, and untold hardship has been inflicted on Nigerians as a result.
As laudable as this national identity policy is, it is not enough to put millions of Nigerians through the fire at a time when the average Nigerian is gasping for breath under the current economic climate.
Must Nigerians always suffer because the legacy of one man is on the line?
You may recall that in 2019, the FG secured a $433 million loan from the World Bank for the Digital Identity Ecosystem Project (DIESP) to enable Nigeria Identity Management Commission (NIMC), to increase enrollment, extend enrollment coverage across the country, reduce the cost of data collection, increase the speed of delivery and provide digital verification of identity any time and anywhere across the country through a protected channel. Apparently, the deployment of this fund is yet to bear fruit.
Or, is it possible that the deployment of the World Bank loan is hindered by the nonexistence of a Data Protection law? At the moment all we have in the country is only a data protection guideline, referred to as the National Data Protection Regulation ( NDPR), which is actually a baby of President Buhari’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (NDEPS).
The Nigerian Constitution, under section 37 guarantees the right to data protection; however, this right remains a mirage in the absence of the requisite legislation.
In 2018, the National Assembly, passed the Nigerian Data Protection Bill to plug this gap, but President Buhari refused assent.
Another effort began in 2020, but after a public hearing in September of the same year, the matter has remained in the cooler of the National Assembly.
From the information available to us, it is clear that the intention of the DIESP is to connect all points that house the bio-data of Nigerians and legal residents, including BVN, telephone numbers, International Passports and even the voter’s card; creating a behemoth data grid that is supposed to make life easier. But Nigerians of all strata are apprehensive of the consequences of any security breach; especially given that nobody takes responsibility for anything in this country. The recent dirty fuel saga is a case in point.
A lot of experts have fervently argued the currency and crude oil of the twenty first century is data; and as a result, most governments, even in Africa have passed data protection laws that have given legal backing to their Data Protection Agencies (DPA).
Recently, in Nigeria, President Buhari established the Nigerian Data Protection Bureau (NDPB), but where are the data protection laws? How will it function?
Early this year a report from the Federal Investigation Bureau ranked Nigeria among the top 16 countries plagued by cybercrime. Meanwhile, the EFCC has also claimed that out of its 978 convictions, 80 percent have been connected to cybercrime. If this is indeed a fact, how do you sleep, knowing all you have worked for could be taken by a faceless hacker? Again, what is the guarantee that your data would be available when required, considering that the NIMC portal was offline for up to eight days in February.
In the past, President Buhari’s government has been accused of shielding sponsors of Boko Haram; and as it stands, the fact that they are unable to reveal these masterminds have given credence to this idea.
But one of the cardinal reasons for pushing this policy is to fight insecurity and terrorism. If this is true, are we now to believe that the ongoing massacre and national embarrassment in Kaduna, the Airport, and the train attack resulted from the unlinked mobile lines? Apparently, this is not true. In fact, news has it people were aware of the attack before it happened.
This is our country, therefore we must do everything possible to foster the success of every genuine and people-centred policy. But the government is obligated to do the right thing. Necessary laws must be in place to drive policies of this nature. International best practices must be followed, even as we adjust to fit our uniqueness. The rollout of this policy has not been so. People are suffering, and nobody would be held accountable as usual.
In the past week, millions of Nigerians who hitherto have linked their mobile lines to their NIN have been greatly disenfranchised. Many lost businesses, some were unable to process international passports, yet some of our senior citizens were unable to access their pensions. Who will pay for this? Would the apologies from a Telco like MTN suffice, or from any other Telco that matter?
Currently, NIMC, houses its data in only one data centre, and from what we have learned, the data blackout suffered by NIMC was a result of the downtime of Galaxy Backbone, also owned by the federal government. How does this make sense for a nation of more than 200 million; bearing in mind that the data provides a superhighway on which the economy runs? Even though the government is succeeding in squeezing everyone through a firehose, the truth remains that the data of Nigerians are not safe; and if anything happens, there is currently no legal framework to seek redress, and unless this is done, Nigerians would continue to view this policy with suspicion.
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
FG’s Transport Support And Rivers Workers
The Federal Government’s approval of a N70,000 monthly transport intervention for public service workers for six months, beginning in November 2026, offers hope to employees struggling with the rising cost of living. The agreement with the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), reached at a conciliation meeting in Abuja on October 27, is intended to cushion transport costs and ease pressure on workers’ incomes. But for public servants in Rivers State, it raises a familiar question: will the State Government key into the intervention and ensure that its workers benefit? The agreement provides for N70,000 monthly across all levels, for six months. The Federal Government also approved peculiar allowance arrears effective from May 1, 2026, to be paid in three equal instalments beginning in November.
The parties agreed to reconvene after one month to assess implementation. Ultimately, the value of these resolutions will be measured not by announcements but by whether eligible workers receive the money. Transport costs consume a substantial share of many civil servants’ earnings before they can meet household needs. Support for commuting is therefore not a luxury or political favour; it is temporary assistance to help workers remain at their jobs without sinking further into hardship. For lower-paid employees, transport costs can turn modest salaries into a daily exercise in difficult choices and sacrifice.
The agreement also urges State and Local Governments to participate and unions to press for implementation. The federal agreement does not automatically guarantee that every State and Local Government employee will receive the support. State authorities must clarify how it will apply to their workforce, make the necessary arrangements and publish a payment timetable. Rivers State must approach the arrangement with urgency and transparency. The Government should State whether it will implement the intervention and when payments will begin. Any administrative or financial question should be addressed promptly with organised labour, not allowed to become excuses for delay.
The concern is sharpened by the earlier N35,000 monthly wage award introduced by the Federal Government in 2023 after petrol subsidy removal. It was intended as temporary relief pending a new national minimum wage. While several States negotiated and paid wage awards or related sums, implementation nationwide was uneven. Reports in 2024 indicated that many States had failed to pay the federal award, while others provided different amounts. In Rivers, labour and media reports raised concerns about implementation of the N35,000 award for State workers, amid separate announcements and arrangements concerning Local Government employees.
The wage award was meant to ease the immediate effects of subsidy removal, yet workers faced uncertainty over whether the promised relief would reach them. In February 2024, the Rivers State Government announced approval of the N35,000 award for local government workers, but subsequent reports showed that implementation across worker categories remained a concern. The lesson is clear: approval and implementation are not the same. A declaration at a meeting offers little comfort to a worker whose account does not reflect the promised payment. For workers who travel to their offices daily, the implications of delayed support are significant. Transportation expenses compete with food, rent, school fees, healthcare and other essential household needs.
As fares rise, employees may be forced to reduce spending on necessities or borrow to sustain their families. A timely transport intervention would therefore provide practical relief and demonstrate that government understands the economic pressures confronting its workforce. Its temporary nature makes prompt implementation even more important. It is fair to acknowledge that this transport intervention is a new agreement and that its administrative details may require clarification. Rivers State should not be condemned in advance for a failure that has not occurred. Nevertheless, the earlier experience gives workers legitimate grounds to seek assurances before the November commencement date. The State should avoid allowing uncertainty to persist until workers begin asking why the promised assistance has not arrived.
The NLC and unions in Rivers State should engage the State Government immediately and seek a written commitment, an implementation plan and a process for reporting missed payments. If clarification from the Federal Government is needed, the State should seek it without abandoning the goal of providing relief. Labour leaders must also keep members informed about progress and insist that any agreed arrangements are applied fairly and transparently. The Rivers State Government should treat this intervention as an opportunity to rebuild confidence. Timely support would show that workers’ welfare is more than a talking point and that the State recognises the economic realities confronting its employees.
Silence, delay or selective implementation, by contrast, would revive frustration over earlier relief measures and weaken trust between government and labour. Every month lost to administrative delay leaves workers facing the same transport burden without the intended assistance. The State should consult labour, publish arrangements and pay eligible workers on time. Rivers workers should not have to wonder whether federal relief will reach them. The Federal Government has announced the support; now the State must make its position clear. We hope the N70,000 monthly transport intervention will not follow the troubling path of the earlier wage award. Rivers State should learn from that experience and ensure that this time, relief is not merely promised but delivered.
Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
Opinion
Ancestorial Worship: My Take (1)
Everyday, Christians call on Abraham, Isaac and Jacob as they pray to God in the privacy of their homes across our multicultural, multiracial and multiethnic world. On Sundays and almost everyday of the week in the new-found full freaking fanaticism in Pentecostalism, they gather in the more than four million churches or congregations in the world to worship God, invoking the spirits of the ancestors of Jews. Meanwhile, in the scaremongering antics of institutional religion, the African has allowed himself to be hoodwinked into believing that invoking the spirit of his ancestors in prayers is idolatry and patently evil. He is mind-controlled into believing that indulgence in what the Christian clergy calls ”Satanic Act” is a sure ticket to Hell, where the individual is tormented, burnt and charred till eternity on the orders of a loving Father; what a laughable irony.
Come with me on my experience of what the Christian clergy contemptuously calls ancestorial worship. One Monday in September 1988, I drove from Port Harcourt to Owerri, accompanied by Chief AM Abasi who was the general manager of Delta Holdings Ltd, a company owned by Chief Ranami Abah, (Abadifeni III). Our mission was a meeting with Mr. Nwaorgu, the marketing manager of 33 Breweries Ltd for a dealership for Mrs. Alice Abah, whose husband, Chief Ranami Abah, had substantial equity shareholding in 33 Breweries Ltd. At the end of the meeting, we agreed to return on Wednesday with Mrs Alice to sign a contract for the dealership. When Chief Abasi and I stepped out to the parking lot, it hit me that I could not recollect how I drove from Port Harcourt through Igwuruta, Isiokpo and Elele to Owerri.
First, I waved the feeling off, ascribing it to the aerodynamic and slippery nature of the super slick German machine, a Mercedes-Benz 280 SLC convertible owned by Chief Ranami Abah. But on a second thought, I sensed a premonition; an ominous feeling. Then a sense of foreboding hit me, leaving me with the chilly feeling that something wrong was in the air. For a person who does not know fear as a result of having had out-of-body experience (OBE) in 1975 and considering the threshold of death the most beautiful experience in my life, it was a very worrisome feeling, to say the least. I quickly shook those thoughts out of my head, engaged the gear of the ever-ready German machine and zapped through Owerri traffic, attracting the same attention that trailed us all the way from Port Harcourt.
At Control Post, an inner voice instructed me not to return to Port Harcourt through the route we came. In reflexive obedience to the mysterious inaudible voice, I turned right (northwards) and stepped heavily on the gas. The straight six-cylinder engine roared in dutiful obedience; the automatic transmission immediately dropped into a lower gear, thereby giving the engine a very powerful pull that enabled the small-bodied car to dust every other vehicle on the road. Through the rear view mirror, I saw the vehicles we overtook recede speedily and virtually disappear behind us. In almost a whisper, Chief Abasi asked if I wanted to visit the 33 Brewery factory at Awo Omamma; I said ”no” without explaining the movement in the opposite direction of our journey.
Strangely, Chief Abasi did not pry further. We raced on, northwards; in thunderous silence. At Ogbaku junction, I turned left, drove westwards past Ejemekwuru and Izombe, turned left at Oguta and headed southwards on the Oguta Lake–Egbema–Omoku–Ahoada Federal Road. Carefully navigating the potholes that generously punctuated the road vis-a-vis the very low clearing of the car, I entered Egbema territory at Opuoma, drove through Mmahu, Abacheke, Okwuzi and turned eastwards to Mgbede, my home town. There, I quickly introduced Chief Abasi to my parents, left him with them and briskly walked a few metre to the grave of Osai, my grandfather. At the graveside, I solemnly told Osai that I sense something wrong in the air.
Then, in furious rage, I threatened him and my uncle, Lazarus, who lay beside him, that if they remained sleepy-eyed in that dimension and I am forced out of this world, that I will scatter their ribcage with penknife. My cousin and age mate, Luke Ofere, came out of his house and asked what was wrong and why I was in tears. With hot tears running down my cheeks, I turned around and left the graveside without a word to him; shock, surprise and confusion were boldly written on his face. On my way back to my father’s house, Nze Romanus Ogboh caught up with my brisk strides and, viciously pulling his right ear, he warned me to be careful on the road; that he dreamt that I died in a motor accident but that he administered a potion on me and I came back alive.
He was completely confused when I replied ”I know” and continued walking in tears towards my father’s house without a further word. Still in the holy rage, I called out Chief Abasi to join me in the car. Back to Port Harcourt through Omoku, Ahoada, Elele Alimini and Emohua, I told my spouse that something wrong is certainly around the corner. As we planned, Chief Abasi travelled to Calabar on Tuesday to inform Auntie Alice of the development and request her to come to Port Harcourt on Wednesday for onward journey to Owerri to effect the dealership contract. On Wednesday, I waited for them but they did not show up. I called Chief Abah and complained about the development. Thursday morning, they pulled up in front of my apartment in a blue Peugeot 504.
To be continued in our next edition.
Jason Osai
Osai lectures in Rivers State University.
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