Opinion
Abba Kyari: A Nation Personified?
When a renowned legal luminary in Nigeria, Prof. Itse Sagay, heard that DCP Abba Kyari was fingered in a 25kg cocaine bust by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), along with other high-ranking members of the IG’s Intelligence Response Team (IRT), he noted that the news marked the end of an era of crime busting in the Nigeria Police.
This turn of events for the super cop is by far the worst stain on the Police in recent times. He was highly decorated and grew rapidly through the ranks. However, behind the curtains, he has been eating the forbidden fruit even as head of the disbanded Special Anti-Robery Squad (SARS) in Lagos State. Since his unmasking, there has been a torrent of unsavory reports about his ‘boys’. How they exploit and convert the property of suspects for themselves; and withdraw from suspects’ accounts.
Aside from Kyari’s connection with the Instagram celebrity, Ramon Abbas, popularly known as Hushpuppi, there is now circumstantial evidence that he is a lynchpin in a drug cartel operating between Ethiopia, Nigeria and Brazil. But this piece is not about the details of Abba Kyari’s crime; rather, it is about the fact that he is a metaphor for the Nigerian condition, and he represents everything wrong with our system of governance, the structure of the country; politics, religion, security, education and culture as earlier defined.
His case, call it the Abba Kyari Syndrome (AKS), seems to reflect a condition which cuts across every institution and every level of government from Aso Rock to the smallest local government; from national behemoths like NNPC to small units in departments; from big national icons like Dangote Plc to street corner small businesses. But, unlike other terminal conditions like cancer, AKS is contagious, and it is everywhere, even in religious organisations.
In recent times, we have seen major symptoms of the AKS in the army’s inability to account for funds meant for the purchase of arms. Under Gen. Buratai, the sum of $1billion was approved by the Senate against the wishes of most Nigerians, but the Army is still crying for lack of a munitions. In Rivers State, Governor Nyesom Wike recently accused an Army captain of giving exit cover to illegal refiners of petroleum products. In the South East, there is an uncountable number of checkpoints manned by the Army, and available report indicates that AKS is in full glare.
But among all the security agencies, the Nigerian Police is regarded as the worst, even though they are the closest to the people; and if AKS were to be cancer, its level in the police would have been considered to be stage four, which is why this condition is named after one of their own. In the police, AKS has metastasised from the police headquarters to zones, state commands, divisions, outposts, and checkpoints.
Last week in Port Harcourt, while in a bus, a police officer after taking N100 from our driver, he commented that more than 90 per cent of the commercial drivers in Port Harcourt lack driver’s licences and complete car papers. So, why are they on the road? Very simple, the AKS in them. Also in Rivers State, it was recently discovered that a divisional police officer owned an illegal refinery. But he was supposed to be fighting this scourge; this is killing Rivers people and the economy.
AKS amongst Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) is unprecedented, like a stage-four cancer, most MDAs are waiting for the doctor to call the time of death. Remember how Abdulrasheed Maina, a civil servant and head of the defunct Pension Reform Task Team, fleeced over N2 billion belonging to the pensions board. What about the accusations levelled against the current Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Abubakar Malami, by the publisher of Sahara Reporters, how he has amassed so much wealth while he has been in office. Or, should we even contemplate the Home-Grown School Feeding Programme of the federal government?
According to Governor Wike, recently, the Nation is bleeding, and for me, the epicentre of this financial haemorrhaging is among the MDAs saddled with revenue generation. But of course, due to endemic AKS, they continue to fail the country, leading to a humongous debt burden. In NIMASA, it was alleged that former MD, Dr Dakuku Peterside, missed a second tenure due to corruption and wastage. During his tenure, N3 billion was reported to have been spent on removing litters and water hyacinth, but his crime was spending $600,000 per day hiring patrol vessels for rapid intervention, neglecting those owned by the agency. As if Dakuku’s tendencies were not bad enough, the current MD, Mr Bashir Jamoh, has been accused of corruption amounting to the tune of N1.5 trillion and $9.557million by one Jackson Use. If this is true, it means that more than what is equivalent to ten percent of the 2022 budget is unaccounted for in NIMASA.
The history of NNPC’s sins runs very deep and wide, and its tendency of pilfering the federation account dates back to 2012. But the subsidy which it tried to dismantle gave the NNPC another layer of covering to do more economic harm to the country. For instance, the NNPC helped itself with an additional N402.423 billion after the CBN has already paid it N407. 801 for subsidy in 2010.
The current dirty petrol saga is another vivid indication of how sick the NNPC is. We, as ordinary Nigerians, lack words to articulate our pain and shame at this huge national embarrassment. We now even hear that this colossal mess will be cleaned up with N201 billion. But since Aso Rock is also sick no one has been fired.
Space will fail me to continue on this trajectory to talk about the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) that has spent almost N2 billion with nothing tangible to show for, not even the very important East-West Road. Extant records even reveal that the NDDC is owing contractors as much as N3 trillion. Or, religious leaders who are exploiting millions in the name of prosperity; lecturers who sell grades for sex and money; or the workers who kill the small businesses where they work. Or what shall we even say about politicians who promise and fail? Our woes are many; but the question remains, who will heal our disease? Who is able to bring about a final remedy for our AKS? I have no crystal ball to see 2023, but if President Muhammadu Buhari is an honest man, let him fulfil his promise by signing the Electoral Bill into law. For us ordinary Nigerians, our hope is God but our weapon of choice is the PVC, come 2023. If we miss it again, we may not survive as a nation.
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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