Opinion
Talibani Nigerian
With the fall of Kabul on 15 August, 2021, the Taliban gained control of Afghanistan, after many years of insurgency and clamour for a total sway of Sharia Islamic Law and political system. Afghanistan is a landlocked country in southern Asia; a mountainous nation with less than 15% of the land suitable for farming. Over 90% of its natural gas produced in the northern part of the country was piped across long distance into the former USSR. There was a civil war with the Soviet.
The Taliban emerged in 1994, after the Afghan civil war with the Soviet, whose membership consisted of Afghan students (Talib means students). Operating first as an advocacy group, the Talibans pursued the goal of strict interpretation and enforcement of Islamic Sharia Law, with increasing militancy. Four major ethic groups in the country (Pushtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks) are not all Moslem; rather, Budhism has a history of about 2,000 years in Afghanistan.
Long-standing ethnic conflicts have made it difficult to exploit the country’s large oil reserves; neither would the Pushtun ethnic group which is the strongest, create room for peaceful co-existence with other groups. Ethnic conflicts and animosities are not peculiar to Afghanistan alone, but what is sad is the refusal to shift group in terms of mutual tolerance and understanding which can foster expanded awareness. With bigotry, conceit and dogmatism, especially where mutual tolerance is lacking, then development would be hampered.
From Afghanistan comes this message for Nigeria that bigotry, conceit and dogmatic interpretations of the scriptures usually give rise to conflicts and animosities among various groups who share a common nationality. Religious ideological learnings which refuse to accommodate, examine or benefit from other different worldviews, rarely build an ideal humanity. Yet, human well-being and perception expand and improve better with a mind that is not hampered by bigotry, conceit and dogmatism.
Sadly, political and religious leaders, for the sake of expansion of power or fear of losing support, do foster dogmatic adherence to ideologies, thus fueling divisions and animosities among people. As a group of militant advocates and strict interpreters and enforcers of Islamic Sharia Law, the Talibans of Afghanistan since 1994, did not want to shift any ground or make concessions, but under the leadership of Mohammed Omar, the movement spread out, with a missionary zeal of total conquest. By 1996 the group transferred the nation’s capital to Kandahar from Kabul.
Situation changed with an American-led intervention force in December 2000, following the September 11 attack on USA. The Talibans were accorded diplomatic recognition by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Insurgency movements began again to fight the USA-backed Karzai administration and NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). The Talibans had been condemned globally for their extremist interpretations and enforcement of Sharia Law. They were called terrorists, not bandits!
Between 1996-2001 the Talibans and their allies had massacred thousands of people, denied UN food supplies to over 160,000 starving refugees and children and engaged in shocking public flogging of people for minor infractions. Specifically, girls and women were restricted from attending schools and engaging in certain jobs, except healthcare. Public whipping of girls and women sparked outrage among foreigners in Afghanisan, neither would journalists be allowed to photograph cases of abuses or publish any of such cases. It was a reign of terror!
Religious and ethnic minorities were heavily discriminated against during Taliban rule, with several unreported cases of genocide, destruction of other religious movements or sects, except Islam. The Pushtun ethnic group is the strongest and leading advocate of Sharia law, based on Deobandi fundamentalism, which adopts strict devotion to the Sharia. Since Russia withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989, the country’s ethnic groups had had no peace among themselves, largely because of religious conflicts. Neither did USA-intervention efforts change the situation much.
There had been intelligence reports alleging that the military and security services provided support which kept the Talibans active for so long, especially during the founding stage. It was also reported that over 2,500 Arabs under the command of Al Qaeda leader ,Osama bin Laden, fought for the Talibans. But allegations about the Talibans having established cells or units in various African countries, including Nigeria, may not be taken quite seriously for now. There were reports of university students being indoctrinated.
During the tenure of President Olusegun Obasanjo, there was a large-scale clamour all over Northern Nigeria for the adoption and implementation of Sharia Law. Tactfully, that clamour was not allowed to plunge Nigeria into a state of large-scale instability, but there was more to the Sharia Law movement than met the eye. There were security allegations that several Islamic countries, including Afghanistan, brought serious pressure on the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) to declare Nigeria as an Islamic state. Whether such allegation can be taken seriously or not, what is incontrovertible is that aggressive Boko Haram insurgency increased with the clamour for Sharia Law in Nigeria.
More specifically, the pattern which insurgency, militancy, banditory and killings by unknown gunmen took in Nigeria in the past 20 years, is similar to the Afghan scenario. Talibani movement may have started with students as the advocates for Sharia law as a better alternative to Western democracy and education. Northern Governors during Obasanjo’s Presidency mobilised Northern youths to raise the song of Sharia Law, in a secular state!
We cannot deny the fact that the Taliban credo and philosophy are similar to the Boko Haram posture. Neither are bigotry, conceit, dogmatism and the zeal to spread impact lacking in what we observe here. Kidnapping of school children, demands for ransom and discouragement of women education also featured in Afghanistan. Do we need banditry to have a united and peaceful Nigeria? What is truly at stake?
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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FG’s Transport Support And Rivers Workers
The parties agreed to reconvene after one month to assess implementation. Ultimately, the value of these resolutions will be measured not by announcements but by whether eligible workers receive the money. Transport costs consume a substantial share of many civil servants’ earnings before they can meet household needs. Support for commuting is therefore not a luxury or political favour; it is temporary assistance to help workers remain at their jobs without sinking further into hardship. For lower-paid employees, transport costs can turn modest salaries into a daily exercise in difficult choices and sacrifice.
The agreement also urges State and Local Governments to participate and unions to press for implementation. The federal agreement does not automatically guarantee that every State and Local Government employee will receive the support. State authorities must clarify how it will apply to their workforce, make the necessary arrangements and publish a payment timetable. Rivers State must approach the arrangement with urgency and transparency. The Government should State whether it will implement the intervention and when payments will begin. Any administrative or financial question should be addressed promptly with organised labour, not allowed to become excuses for delay.
The concern is sharpened by the earlier N35,000 monthly wage award introduced by the Federal Government in 2023 after petrol subsidy removal. It was intended as temporary relief pending a new national minimum wage. While several States negotiated and paid wage awards or related sums, implementation nationwide was uneven. Reports in 2024 indicated that many States had failed to pay the federal award, while others provided different amounts. In Rivers, labour and media reports raised concerns about implementation of the N35,000 award for State workers, amid separate announcements and arrangements concerning Local Government employees.
The wage award was meant to ease the immediate effects of subsidy removal, yet workers faced uncertainty over whether the promised relief would reach them. In February 2024, the Rivers State Government announced approval of the N35,000 award for local government workers, but subsequent reports showed that implementation across worker categories remained a concern. The lesson is clear: approval and implementation are not the same. A declaration at a meeting offers little comfort to a worker whose account does not reflect the promised payment. For workers who travel to their offices daily, the implications of delayed support are significant. Transportation expenses compete with food, rent, school fees, healthcare and other essential household needs.
As fares rise, employees may be forced to reduce spending on necessities or borrow to sustain their families. A timely transport intervention would therefore provide practical relief and demonstrate that government understands the economic pressures confronting its workforce. Its temporary nature makes prompt implementation even more important. It is fair to acknowledge that this transport intervention is a new agreement and that its administrative details may require clarification. Rivers State should not be condemned in advance for a failure that has not occurred. Nevertheless, the earlier experience gives workers legitimate grounds to seek assurances before the November commencement date. The State should avoid allowing uncertainty to persist until workers begin asking why the promised assistance has not arrived.
The NLC and unions in Rivers State should engage the State Government immediately and seek a written commitment, an implementation plan and a process for reporting missed payments. If clarification from the Federal Government is needed, the State should seek it without abandoning the goal of providing relief. Labour leaders must also keep members informed about progress and insist that any agreed arrangements are applied fairly and transparently. The Rivers State Government should treat this intervention as an opportunity to rebuild confidence. Timely support would show that workers’ welfare is more than a talking point and that the State recognises the economic realities confronting its employees.
Silence, delay or selective implementation, by contrast, would revive frustration over earlier relief measures and weaken trust between government and labour. Every month lost to administrative delay leaves workers facing the same transport burden without the intended assistance. The State should consult labour, publish arrangements and pay eligible workers on time. Rivers workers should not have to wonder whether federal relief will reach them. The Federal Government has announced the support; now the State must make its position clear. We hope the N70,000 monthly transport intervention will not follow the troubling path of the earlier wage award. Rivers State should learn from that experience and ensure that this time, relief is not merely promised but delivered.
Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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