Opinion
Tackling Boko Haram From Its Root
Quite distinct from the commonly held belief as beggars, Almajiri was derived from the Arabic word, “Al-Muhajirun” meaning emigrants. It typically refers to a person who devotedly leaves home to another place or to an instructor in the quest for Islamic knowledge. Thus, Almajiri is characteristically, a Qur’anic literacy and system of Islamic education dominantly practised among Muslims in northern Nigeria.
Historically, Almajiri system started in a town named Kanem-Borno, which a majority of its rulers widely engaged in Qur’anic literacy. More than 700 years later, the Sokoto Caliphate was founded by a revolution based on the teachings of the Qur’an. However, Sokoto and Borno Caliphates started running the Almajiri system together.
Then, Almajiri schools were funded by the community, parents, zakah (alms-giving treated in Islam as tax), sadaqah (voluntary offerings) and sometimes through the farm output of the learners. Incidentally, after the British invasion of the northern region in the year 1904, most of the Emirs who survived were overthrown; hence they lost control of their territories resulting in the loss of fundamental control of the Almajiri.
Following this development, the British formally introduced Western education and also repealed state funding of Almajiri schools. With no support from the community, emirs and government, the Almajiri system collapsed. Consequently, the instructors and learners, having no financial support, resorted to alms begging and menial jobs for survival.
On account that the Almajiri system restricted its scope to Islamic knowledge, most of the Almajiris at the end of the day were left with the option to continue with menial jobs or begging for those that didn’t learn farming due to no qualifications for white-collar jobs in the society. Consequently, it lacked resources and basic amenities.
Eventually, as the drive for Almajiris to accept Western education deepened, it was unfortunately misconstrued as immoral. In the Hausa language, ‘Western or non-Islamic education’ is termed ‘Boko’. Hence, the advocated ‘Western education’ was declared ‘Haram’. “Haram” in Arabic term is ‘forbidden’ or ‘proscribed’. In Islamic law, Haram is used to refer to any act that is forbidden by Allah. Acts that are “Haram” are usually prohibited in the Qur’an as incompatible with Muslims’ way of life.
Thus, by the combination of Boko (Western education) and Haram (forbidden), the term ‘Boko Haram’ was produced meaning ‘forbidden Western education’. Logically, the Almajiris were hoodwinked to see Western education as evil and disrespect to Allah, instead of integrating it to Islamic education. With this mindset, they grew to become hostile, not knowing they were robbed of a thriving future that Western education enveloped.
For instance, the bombs and other lethal weapons being used to resist the non-Islamic system were produced through the “forbidden Western education”. The same obtains in the aeroplanes for travelling to Mecca for hajj, and automobiles. And many others. Obviously, northern elites are principally culpable for their atrocities in society.
The leaders didn’t carry the subjects along but kept them in the dark for unknown reasons. In fact, Gwandu Local Government Area in Kebbi State, in particular, used to be a no-go area for Western education. Meanwhile, their elites enrolled their biological children into Western education, even some in foreign schools. Thus, as the deprived population lacked skills and qualifications for conventional jobs as full-fledged, resorting to crimes for survival became the available option. Over the years, these elites’ children with Western education recycle amongst themselves all the juicy positions in the system.
At present, the oversights and negligence of the past are gradually getting remedied by concerted efforts of the stakeholders through UNICEF Educate-A-Child (EAC) Programme. Rather than adopting similar approaches in the precolonial era which attempted to utterly abolish Almajiri education, the template is integrating Almajiri to Western education.
By means of the Integrated Qur’anic Schools (IQS), unlike then, literacy, numeracy and science alongside Islamic education are taught. The Almajiris after remedial classes for nine months move to primary four. Hence, Almajiri scholars are no longer restricted to Islamic knowledge but also measure in Western education.
As a partnership, UNICEF contributes by grants to IQS centres for projects based on need-assessments with Centre-Based Management Committee (CBMC), whilst it utilizes Cash Transfer Programme by paying N8,000 per child enrolled in primary schools under the control of the School-Based Management Committee (SBMC).
For example, in Dallatu Hisbul Raheem; an Almajiri school in Kaoje town, Bagudu LGA which is amongst the IQS centre for the EAC programme, the initiative is awake. And the unique upshot is that the Almajiri instructors too enrol for Western education like their pupils. They teach in Almajiri sessions and submit themselves as adult-learners during the Western education session.
Remarkably, a 13-year old Fulani-Almajiri scholar of the IQS, Balikisu Usman, during interaction expressed her aspiration to become a career lady after education. Same is the position of a 12-year old Rabbi Abdullahi, also a Fulani who nurses an ambition to become a lecturer after graduating from an institution of higher learning. Many others similarly, respectively pointed to one thriving career or the other, including becoming lawyers, doctors, pilots, etc.
It suggests the mindsets are receptively, gradually liberated. This has been the pattern in Christendom for centuries. Christian missionary schools are integrated with Western education, hence skilled to flow with the scheme of things in the polity. In Catholic Church that is the most conservative amongst Christian denominations, many of their clerics are lawyers, lecturers, doctors and even soldiers. In other words, they sensitively merged their curriculum with Western education.
Thus, as the template gathers momentum, a radical boost is germane. According to UNICEF-EAC State Project Coordinator, Isah Usman, the successes were propelled by sensitization and mentoring of schools, centres and communities by EAC consultants and state partners, and significantly, support of the four Emirs in the state. The traditional rulers’ input is vital. Absolutely, any meaningful exploits in the north demand a robust alliance with the traditional institution due to premium influence on the communities. By these templates, the future is economically and robustly secured.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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