Opinion
For Lagos To Work Again
As the Centre of Excellence, Lagos in southwest arguably did backslide from its position in 2015 where the then governor, Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN), impressively left the state. Without a doubt, Fashola’s exploits during his tenure compellingly fetched his portfolios in President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration as trinity minister immediately after handing over to his successor, Akinwunmi Ambode.
During Fashola’s tenure, residents were overwhelmed to such an extent of enthusiastically paying taxes owing to convictions that the state was synchronizing with his slogan Eko o ni baje.
No doubt, gigantic projects particularly some necessary overhead bridges to address traffic situations alongside inner roads constructed by Ambode’s administration are commendable. However, the state honestly didn’t sustain the momentum from Fashola’s administration. For example, scores of roads in the state are presently eyesores to an extent that some motorists now pack and use commercial buses.
Disgustingly, the state metamorphosed to refuse dump arena after Fashola’s exit. Ambode’s first gaffe was the cancellation of monthly environmental sanitation exercise in place which restricted movement for merely three hours on last Saturdays, without any alternative scheme to address sanitation. That alone is abysmal error. Ambode’s government had anchored its action on a court judgment that declared the exercise unlawful and an infringement to freedom of movement enshrined in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Strangely, the state government without wasting time comfortably adopted the verdict despite the critical implications particularly hygiene that is sufficient to set aside the judgment. Reports show that the state government appealed but was practically unserious by not filing their brief. To restrict movements for such a reasonable time in a month for health reasons cannot fall within the context of infringement to peoples’ movements. There is a doctrine of necessity for remedying lacunas. For example, under national security, movements are always restricted during general elections as well as presidential movements despite Sections 35, 38 and 40 of the Constitution.
Logically, if there is a right to life which can be indirectly threatened by dangerous sicknesses resulting from unhealthy environments, arguably, a public policy to prevent such hazards within a reasonable time aptly cannot amount to infringement of right to movement. The World Health Organization (WHO) report shows that one-fourth of deaths across the globe are attributed to unhealthy environments. Besides, every society grows and presently, governments shouldn’t responsibly leave general hygiene to citizens’ discretions.
Another critical issue is bad roads. In fact, those that shuttle from Badagry axis to the Island are completely cut-off due to bad roads. Not even officials of Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) are on sight in these critical areas. The stresses motorists and commuters go through daily are better imagined than experienced. To describe the people as isolated or forsaken is no hyperbole. All these are convincingly traceable to not adopting continuum in government accordingly. Had Ambode conscientiously continued with his predecessors’ policies with constructive modifications as Fashola did after succeeding Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, believably, Lagos will be ahead of where Fashola left it.
Thus, these episodes present big lessons to the present governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu. The new administration thus, faces critical tasks to put the state back to shape. The situation requires state of emergency principally on refuse disposal, roads rehabilitation and traffic management. Similarly, the rate of area boys’ excesses in Lagos roads grew exceedingly during Ambode’s tenure than it was when he took the mantle of office from Fashola. These areas must be critically addressed.
Now, over to the federal government; the high population in Lagos is undeniably worrisome. Imagine if the military junta of General Ibrahim Babangida didn’t thoughtfully relocate the federal capital to Abuja, how would the federal government effectively be operating from Lagos including presidential movements alongside the great workforce?
In a nutshell, the seaport calls for a state of emergency and transcends temporary decongestion. Sensibly, having a functional seaport only in Lagos is a big blunder. There’s urgent need to spread out the seaports to other geopolitical zones. If not, the trailers-parking, traffic crisis in Lagos roads and excessive population may never be subdued no matter the efforts deployed.
For example, by the present poor arrangement, indisputably, all clearing and forwarding agents, haulage workers in the country alongside their families are all resident in Lagos; likewise their trailers and trucks in numbers. These numbers alone are in high and sufficient to create catastrophe let alone other seaport-related businesses. By decentralizing the seaport, other zones will instantly pick up economically as scores of people will relocate to other areas and operate through other seaports; thereby drastically depopulate Lagos to be a standard and viable state. Beyond that, job opportunities will abound in all those new areas.
Typically, in any system where economic activities are concentrated in one direction, the congestion being experienced in Lagos environs must follow. Same for unemployment ratio as too many people would be queuing for few employment opportunities. But if decentralized, job opportunity will multiply correspondingly to a number of seaports and government agencies alone will likewise absorb a good number across all their operational stations. Thus, while the palliative measures by the governments are estimable, the ultimate panacea remains to decentralize the seaport.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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