Opinion
2023 And Chrismus Stuff
A former secretary of the political committee of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), Alhaji Mohammed Abdulrahman, was quoted recently as saying that “a Muslim Yoruba can be president of Nigeria, but Tinubu is a Chrismus …” He went on to say that a “Chrismus” means “Somebody who is a Christian and a Muslim”. One would have thought that it would be a great honour if an individual would embrace and practice the two great religions.
What Abdulrahman really meant, in his own words, it that: “A Southern Christian cannot be president of Nigeria..” For a vital member of the Arewa Consultative Forum to utter such a statement in a secular polity as Nigeria, reveals a peculiar mindset, depictive of some hidden agenda. By what statistical computation can anyone come up with such assertion that a Southern Christian cannot win presidential election in a democracy?
Perhaps, without meaning to offend, Abdulrahman’s statement is a hate and inciting speech, in a nation where “the Federal Government sponsored Ruga projects for Fulani herdsmen across the country.” With a senior official of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development saying that the Ruga project, generally, is “a policy conceived by the Federal Government to cover the entire country”, then was Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo wrong in raising an alarm about Fulanisation and Islamisation agenda?
What is “political undertone” in an obviously economic-religious-political policy that is being foisted upon unsuspecting communities? Someone is expressing surprise why “a group from Benue State staged a protest that government wants to invade their lands.” Why is a private agricultural business undertaken by individual cattle breeders being sponsored and funded by the federal government as a national “Ruga” project?
Yet, the states being lured to embrace the Ruga project for a fee, can be told that “a Southern Christian cannot be president of Nigeria”? Obviously, the impression which Abdulrahman and those he speaks for create is that Nigeria is not operating a democracy but an oligarch with a religious undertone. What impression does Abdulrahman’s statement make in the minds of Nigerians that “the South and North issue has to do with religion”?
In TELL magazine of April 10, 2000 (p.3) Dare Babarinsa said that “What is at stake is not religion, but power and the future of the Nigerian State”. This would mean that power-holders and political gamblers often use religion as a ready means for political ends. Babarinsa went on to say that: “The Fulani ruling class, rootless and without any cohesive political ideology or nationalist and cultural interest, has clung to Islam as a political weapon”.
It would not be hard for any analyst to see a logical link between “Ruga project” and what Obasanjo said about Fulanisation and Islamisation agenda. Without allowing religion to bring animosity and disunity in Nigeria, it is needful that those who have a narrow view about religion must not be allowed to sow the seed of animosity. Similarly, the issue about settlement for nomadic Fulani herdsmen should not be allowed to take the pattern of the settlement of the Jews after the World Wars.
A programme of Nomadic Education for Fulani herdsmen many years back turned out to be a failure, with huge sums of money voted for that programme ending in fraudulent practices. Much vexation across the country resulted in a clamour for the establishment of a programme of education for Migrant fishermen. Since there were migrant Nomadic herdsmen and migrant fishermen in other parts of the country, it was considered right and proper that the “National Cake” be shared in a just manner, via federal projects.
Obviously, there were references that the revenue fuelling the nation’s economy came primarily from the southern part of the country. While a debate about this issue was going on many years ago, some group of youths raised a song about “monkey working and baboon chopping..” It took the intervention of the Police to disperse the youths. Today, Federal Government sponsorship of Ruga projects would likely lead to a demand for a parallel one applicable to and suitable for problems peculiar to the South.
Agitation and instability often arise as a result of one-sidedness and use of double-standards in addressing demands for justice. The statement of Alhaji Abdulrahman gives the impression that some Nigerians are more Nigerian or more equal than others. Why must religion and ethnicity become determinants of who becomes a president. Was Buhari misquoted when he said that “Muslims should only vote those who will promote Islam”?
From the dislodgement of former President Goodluck Jonathan, to the intrigues of the 2019 elections, the statement of Abdulrahman that “Buhari will still be president” is ominous. When added to his assertion: “2023: Why Christian, Tinubu’ll never be Nigeria’s President” then there is the possibility of some hidden agenda! We would not want to have careless talkers like late Wada Nas!
It is right and proper that the Federal Government has withdrawn the Ruga settlement project for now. But, considering the nature, might and caliber of cattle owners in Nigeria, there is the possibility of the issue being reintroduced under a different guise later. A home settlement for nomadic herdsmen is the key issue.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer at the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Bright Amirize
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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