Opinion
NASS And Scandalous Running Costs
The parliamentary arm of the Federal Government has seemingly remained a drainpipe that impedes economic growth in Nigeria since the ongoing democratic system commenced in 1999. Comparatively, a Nigerian Senator or member of the House of Representatives earns several times more than their counterparts across the world.
Still, corruption holds sway in the chambers. In fact, during the previous administrations, ‘Ghana-must-go’ bags with megabucks were practically turned into lobbying and legislative tools for screenings, confirmation of appointments and passage of budgets.
As a result, reckless and profit-motivated impeachment motions against the President became the order of the day, particularly during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, which all ended in pecuniary deals. Later, it became a routine in successive governments until the present administration of President Muhammadu Buhari came on board.
In effect, do-or-die politics ruled the polity as belonging to the parliament became the fastest money-making venture.
Notwithstanding the gross aberrations, the lawmakers advantageously allocated outrageous allowances to themselves. The recently exposed monthly running costs of a whopping sum of N13.5million to each Senator, which if allocated to visible developmental projects across all the constituencies will, no doubt, boost development across the nation, remains a nightmare.
It is, indeed, heartless, iniquitous and greedy for lawmakers to allocate such a humongous amount to themselves when the people in their constituencies are living in misery and poverty. This is aside N200 million allotted annually for constituency projects that are non-existent anywhere.
This, believably, accounts for the unending attempts to intimidate the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Ibrahim Magu out of office to pave way for a pliant new helmsman.
The fundamental question for the lawmakers is; how could the Public Procurement Act they passed into law specify how projects should be bidded and executed when they indiscriminately allocated public funds to themselves even when the council is yet to be constituted? Or has the country become George Orwell’s Animal Farm where some animals are more equal than others?
For example, Section 16(17) of the Public Procurement Act 2014 provides that, “a contract shall be awarded to the lowest evaluated responsive bid from the bidders substantially responsive to the bid solicitation”.
By the way, how could the legislature prepare and pass its budget and also clothe itself with powers to override the President? Indeed, this is bizarre.
It is absurd that lawmakers fantastically misappropriate public funds that could improve the economy only to always shed crocodile tears over unemployment ratio in the society. If the plights of the youths truly move them as portrayed on the controversial Peace Corps Bill, the appropriate action should be to expand the budgetary allocation, specifically as employment interventionist policy, to enable the executive absorb more youths into the system. Unfortunately, the legislature’s budget alone keeps going up and up with outrageous allowances.
Interestingly, the Red Chamber is presently manned by unique identities; commonsense advocates, anti-corruption crusaders, voices of the new generation, defenders of the down-trodden, economic empowerment strategists and many other self-imposed titles who relentlessly criticise the executive every now and then. Yet, they collaboratively overlooked, concealed and promoted for several years their fraudulent running costs, and budget for constituency projects which are sufficient enough to improve the society.
Presently, the 2018 Appropriation Bill presented to the National Assembly early enough, precisely on November 7, 2017, by the President, to stimulate the economy that was critically hit by recession, sadly still hops up and down at the end of first quarter. Incontestably, the lawmakers work for their personal interests.The constituency projects astutely envisioned has constituted conduits to the nation’s treasury.
The bicameral legislature itself is the grand drainpipe. As a developing democracy, Nigeria shouldn’t have adopted the developed system verbatim.
It, therefore, suggests that the anti-graft agency has a lot of work to do in recovering misappropriated public funds. It is an height of aberration that since 1999 when the running costs and constituency projects came into existence, it is rare to find any such projects anywhere except few boreholes in few communities or repainting of community markets with giant signposts.
It is inhuman that lawmakers freely loot public funds while the masses who voted for them are drying up in hunger and hardship. Probably, this is where Charley Boy’s “OurMumuDonDo” initiative will appropriately and effectually make sense than the defunct ‘resume or resign’ crusade. Until the legislative arm is reformed, things may hardly fall in shapes.
Umegboro, public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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