Opinion
Of Royalties And Oil Bearing Communities
The demands and grievances of Nigeria’s oil-bear
ing areas can be identified under five broad themes. These are related to the disposition of mineral land rents, the application of the derivation principle, the allocation of federally collected mineral revenues, the appropriate institutional and fiscal responses to the ecological problems of the oil-producing areas and the responsibility of the oil-producing companies to the oil producing/bearing communities with the present federal structure.
Perhaps the most logically and legally compelling of the demands of the oil-bearing communities and states are their claims to mineral land rents. For instance, land right in Nigeria were vested in the respective local communities. But under the Land Use Decree of 1978, however, ownership of land is vested in the state. Thus both traditionally and legally, the federal government has no direct claims to land in the states.
The Federal Government has continued not only to prescribe how much rent is paid by the oil-prospecting companies for land used, but also to collect these rents. The justification for the Federal Government’s action is the defunct Petroleum Decree of 1969 and relevant provisions of the 1999 constitution which vest in the federation control of all minerals and gas in, under or upon the land and territorial waters of Nigeria. However, these provisions clearly refer to ownership of mineral wealth and not ownership of land which, under the practice of the constitution, remains vested in the states.
In essence, therefore, the federal government’s retention of mineral land rents would appear to be unconstitutional since the states are clearly entitled to such rents as a matter of right. Two unresolved problems, however, beset the position that mining rents are legally not the property of the Federal Government. The first is whether these rents should belong to the state government or to the specific oil-bearing communities involved. Although the Land Use Degree would appear to give the states the right to these rents, the oil producing communities have also asserted an exclusive and intrinsic right to what they regard as rents on communal lands.
A far more complicated issue relates to the attempt by elements from the oil-bearing communities to juxtapose mineral rents and royalties as resources legitimately belonging exclusively to the oil-producing communities. Consider, for example, the following statement by the Movement For The Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP): “MOSOP insists that oil royalties and rents are the property of landlords and that the Federal Government must return to the oil-bearing communities all royalties and rents paid to it by the oil-producing companies since 1958.
The constitutional position on the matter is, however, unambiguous while rents are a tribute to the owners of land. The state governments, royalties are levies on minerals, whose ownership remain vested in the Federal Government.
The demand of the oil-producing states and communities is that a significant proportion (usually put at not less than 10 percent) of the mineral revenues should be returned to the producing areas on the basis of the derivation principle. Derivation is, of course, a long-standing principle of distribution which stipulates that a significant proportion of the revenues collected in a locality should be returned to that locality or segment.
Derivation was, however, introduced as mineral exploitation replaced agricultural exports as the principle source of government revenues and foreign exchange earnings in Nigeria. This change in the rules for allocating revenues was denounced by the majority ethnic nationalities who were bent on ensuring that the minority groups that produce the oil were denied their economic rights.
Very sadly, the derivation, which is meant to benefit the host communities by way of building development projects there, never gets to them. Governors of oil producing states have decided to utilise the funds in other areas of the state.
These oil producing communities have been loud about the exploitation they have suffered from the Federal Government. They are denied access to the natural resources situated in their lands. They, therefore, ask the Federal Government to give them access to their God-given resources.
In line with the demands of the oil bearing communities, I urge the Federal Governmen to pay royalties directly to the communities or prevail on state governors to pay the 13 percent deviation to oil bearing communities.
Agbadam is a student of Eastern Polytechnic, Port Harcourt
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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