Opinion
Another Form Of Corruption
Those who cannot change their minds cannot change
anything – George Bernard”
For more than a year now, Nigerians have been inundated with the issues of War Against Corruption and the Information Minister, Lai Muhammed has on several occasions, reiterated the position of the government.But how true and holistic is this much talked corruption fight? It would be of paramount importance to x-ray the happenings so far.
President Muhammadu Buhari assured the nation during his inauguration that he belongs to everybody and he belongs to nobody: “I belong to everybody, I belong to nobody.” Unfortunately, since coming into office, President Buhari’s action has contradicted the above statement. The principle of the federal character has been violated in his appointments.
Section 171, Sub Section 5 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) stipulates that the President in exercising his power of appointment under this section shall have regard to the Federal Character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity. Nonetheless, a cursory look into the list of appointments portrays utter disregard and disdain for the issues that promote national unity and gross violation of the Constitution. This shows that Buhari’s anti-corruption war is hypocritical and a cover up to persecute opponents and subdue ethnic nationalities.
The recent appointment into education Sector: Heads of universities , polytechnics, college of education, TETFUND, JAMB, UBEC, NABTEB, NTI confirmed Nigerians apprehension. Most of them are Hausa/Fulani and all are Muslims, Perhaps, it could be said that Mr. President belongs only to the Muslims and of course ‘North.’ In addition, the security units in the nation have been handed over to the Northern Hausa-Fulani Muslims alone, invariably excluding both Northern and Southern Christians. This is baffling and calls for a serious attention in order to avert state of hopelessness.
Whether we accept it or not, there is a serious mistrust among Nigerians. Why should one ethnic group be favoured out of 389 ethnic nationalities, in Nigeria?
Some people were bemused to watch the live proceedings of the House of Representatives as covered by NTA with regard to the bill calling for the criminal aspects of Islamic Sharia Law to be implemented in our legal system in Nigeria. The bill has already passed the second reading.
Similarly, the bill to amend the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to make provision or the full implementation of Sharia Criminal Law at the federal and State Legal system has passed the second reading in the House of Representatives. We should know that when a bill passes the second ready unchallenged in parliament, it is as good as being passed.
During the second Republic, Muslim leaders in Nigeria agitated for the full implementation of Sharia in Nigeria. Lest we forget that hot debate took place in the Constituent Assembly of 1978 about the place of Sharia in the 1979 Constitution. Christian members kicked against the full implementation of full Sharia because non-Muslims would fall victim of this law. Again, a compromise was reached that the Sharia Personal Law be allowed, not the criminal aspects.
It was exactly the same thing that happened in 1988 Constituent Assembly that produced the 1989 Constitution, which never took off. Indeed, in the 1988 Constituent Assembly, General Ibrahim Babagida, then Nigeria self-style military President, had to stop all debates relating to Sharia and sensitive issues when he saw how inflammable the debates were becoming and retained the status quo.
Without mincing words, the 1999 Constitution drew much from both the 1979 and 1989 Constitutions and retained Sharia Personal Law. Now, some Muslim legislators in the National Assembly under the present administration have surreptitiously attempted to amend the Constitution to favour the full implementation of Sharia without carrying Nigerians along!
Muslim leaders have always argued that Sharia is meant for Muslims only. However, Christians are aghast about the argument and refused to buy it because non-Muslims have often been dragged before Sharia courts and have been adjudicated by a legal system that is repugnant to their faith. Besides, why should the government that is supposed to be neutral to all religious uphold the religions laws of one religion with public funds to the harm of the adherents of other faith? Some of these issues make us to take with a pinch of salt the claims that President Buhari belongs to everybody.
There are cases of young women being abducted not by Boko Haram, but heinous people in the name of religion and married off without the consent of their parents. Is there any tribe in Nigeria you are free to kidnap and marry girl by force? Yet, some poor parents are experiencing these ugly things in a nation called Nigeria.
Recently, Nigerians witnessed unprecedented sheer mockery of Judiciary by Abuja and Port Harcourt High Courts giving contradictory judgements with regard to PDP National Convention. In addition, Abia governorship tussle was also given two court conflicting judgements by both Abuja and Owerri High Courts. Why should the Nigerian Police obey one and leave the other, after all, they are the same court of jurisdiction?
Recently, a former Inspector General of Police (IGP) described the sacking of all Deputy Inspectors-General of Police and 21 Assistant Inspectors General in a large swoop as unfair, since some of them have about five to seven years in service left. Whether we like it or not, we need experienced police and military officer due to exigencies of the moment.
Likewise, almost all the checking points mounted by security agents have turned to tollgates. You will be amazed travelling with commercial vehicles to witness this toll collection points without any qualms of conscience. For some of us who have been outside the country and witnessed professionalism in the conduct of security agents, our heart palpitates over these ugly experiences.
I, therefore, wish to say that Institutionalizing war on corruption can only be possible by looking critically at the institutions of the government like the military, custom, police etc. Of course, their remunerations should be made in such a way that they could be comfortable.
Okoye is of the Christian Institute of West Africa, Port Harcourt.
Cornelius Okoye
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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