Opinion
Ending Cultism In Our Campuses
Cultism is a major challenge ravaging our tertiary
institutions today. It is most rampart in our campuses these days as a result of oppression of non-cultists by cultists, the crave for power and popularity by students pressure from peer groups and the need to feel secured.
Cultism in Nigeria’s tertiary institutions dates back to professor Wole Soyinkas college days, when he organised a cult group named pirate confraternity with the help of some friends of his. Their aim of forming the cult group was to bridge the gap created by ethnicity and tribalism, but along the line our youths hijacked aims purpose and started doing it for negative purposes?
This vice has brought several negative effects. It has caused massive destruction, death fear chaos and confusion in our campuses.
In recent times, the university community and indeed, a great number of the Nigerian society no longer live in oblivion of the nature and activities of cult groups in Nigerian Universities and other institutions of learning.
They have caused by the violent cult activities in our universities and other tertiary institutions has become a source of worry and concern to so many students, lectures, parents, guardians and the government at large.
There are incidents of cult activities on our campuses with oath-taking, and blood shedding ceremonies.
Cases of theft, burglary, House breaking and rape are usually reported.
Some members of the groups are ???? by drugs and posses dangerous weapons like guns, matchets, spears and axes.
There are many cult groups in the universities. They are pirate confraternity, Vikins, Eiye fraternity black bra, black barret, qreen barret and so on.
Students in the campuses die very young because they are involved is some criminal acts. Like on the case of Aluu “4” in Uniport, they were beaten and burnt to death because people believed they were cultists and one among them was seen with a harmful weapon.
Cult activities have led to the mutilation and even killing of students. It sometimes leads to expulsion of both the guilty and innocent students, thereby reducing the number of graduates from our tertiary institutions.
Further more, cult- related violence has led to the loss of school property that are mostly used for teaching activities. This hampers learning, while damaged infrastructure will require score resources to replace. Money meant for important projects will be eventually used to re-purchase equipment which the institution already has thus amounting to colossal waste.
Following the activities of cultists, students’ movement have been curtailed. Also, students’ activities carried out us part of campus life have practically ceased.
Worse still, lectures are publicly attacked did disgracefully treated by cultists. Most cultists have no regard for moral values and respect for elders.
Fear has made the lecturers to give the cultists high grades in order not to be attacked. Even school workers are afraid to carry out their duties as a result of the activities of cultists. Some graduates have opted out of school as a result of cult activities. These activities have led to the production of half-baked graduates and the provision of low quality education.
The increasing rate of cultism in our higher institutions have made some parents to deliberately avoid some institution noted for cultism when making a choice for their kids.
The allure of power and dominion, desire for protection against real and imagized enemies are usually the bait used by cultists who go about enlisting like-minds. And there are instances where unwilling students have been thoroughly beaten into indentifying with these blood letting cliques.
Students engage in cultism to dare and show up their ego; to intimidate their fellows students and lecturers. Some join for protection and have used it court the best girls on campus. This trend has even put fear into host and neighbouring communities of higher institutions who have constantly live in fear from incessant shootings and other dreadful activities of the evil students.
To end this menace therefore a massive and aggressive enlightenment campaign should be embarked upon by both university authorities and government. Also, security should be increased within and around host communities and school premises, to checkmate the carrying of arms and illegal weapons into campuses.
Tertiary Institutions should establish tribunals that would ensure that cultists are properly tried and sentenced when caught in the act. Parents should monitor their wards / children to ensure that they are not negatively influenced by peer groups. And religious organizations should organize youth programmes that will discouraged cultism. The high cost of education should be reduced because poverty and lack of money are part of the reasons some youths indulge in cultism.
The havoc caused by cultism on our campuses is very enormous and if not properly checked, it would transform into something else and would reader our communities and campuses uninhabitable
Ernest is a student of UNIPORT.
Cynthia Ernest
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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