Opinion
DSS As New Attack Dog
It is difficult to hazard a guess on the main reason
behind the current attack-dog image of the Department of State Services (DSS). Is it intended to portray an organization that has repositioned itself to key into President Muhammadu Buhari’s resolve to wage war on insecurity and corruption?
It can’t possibly be about insecurity, for, if it were, the organization would concentrate its energy on providing the much needed intelligence that is glaringly lacking in the Northeastern part of the country, where Boko Haram insurgents are running amok, killing defenseless Nigerians with renewed gusto, in manner that suggests the victory parade that began in the closing days of the Jonathan administration has since come to an abrupt end. Nor has it anything to do with the effort to fight corruption. That is the brief of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
At first it was the duo of Sambo Dasuki and Gordon Obuah, the erstwhile national security adviser and chief security officer to former President, Goodluck Jonathan, respectively, who had a taste of the poisonous bite of the new attack dog, triggering a national outrage.
The agency has yet to tell Nigerians the outcome of its 10-hour siege on the home of Dasuki, which it said was occasioned by intelligence report that linked the retired army colonel with allegations of subversion. It has not made known its motive for detaining Obuah and causing unnecessary anxiety over his health. Now, it is the turn of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to suffer in the hands of the security agency. The question needs to be asked why the DSS is carrying on as if it has a mandate to hunt anybody that was associated with the former president and his party.
The two election tribunals for Akwa Ibom and Rivers states currently sitting in Abuja are supposed to listen to and determine petitions filed by candidates of the All Progressive Congress (APC) in the April 11, 2015 governorship election. Ordinarily, the DSS should have no role to play in matters concerning the petitions and the work of the tribunals. But that has not been the case since the tribunals curiously and questionably relocated from states where the election took place to the federal capital – the only two cases in which tribunals are sitting outside the states where elections were held.
The DSS has assigned to itself the responsibility of assisting the APC in whatever way it deems practicable to achieve at the tribunals what it could not achieve at election venues in Akwa Ibom and Rivers states. This includes harassment and intimidation of not only PDP officials and witnesses that volunteer to give evidence at the tribunals, but also officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) who were directly or remotely involved in elections in the two states.
Isn’t it curious that the DSS is beaming its searchlight on the two states where PDP has won since 1999, while ignoring northern states where under aged almajiris were seen on video voting at polling booths under the supervision of INEC officials, with security agencies, including the DSS itself, looking the other way? The overzealousness of the security agency in matters that have to do with the governorship election in the two states, which has caused quite some hoopla, gives the impression that there are only two governorship election tribunals in the country. How many people know that tribunals have sat to determine petitions relating to the same governorship election in Lagos and Imo states? How come we didn’t hear of the involvement of the DSS in those two sates which, coincidentally(?), are APC states? The objective is unquestionably to achieve a pre-determined outcome at the two tribunals sitting in Abuja.
Despite initial hiccups occasioned by non-functioning card readers, the 2015 general elections were universally acknowledged to be much better than previous elections in terms of freeness, fairness and inclusiveness. It was the reason Jonathan did the unusual and unexpected by conceding defeat and congratulating Buhari even when results were still being collated.
At his various meetings with President Barack Obama, Secretary of State, John Kerry, and other key officials during his official visit to the United States, President Buhari thanked the country for its support to Nigeria during the elections, which enabled it to have free and fair elections. At no time did the president say that elections were free all over Nigeria except in Rivers and Akwa Ibom. What the DSS is trying to do is to pressurize the election tribunals into proofing to the entire world that Buhari’s assessment, indeed, the assessment of the international community, was wrong.
Pray, what does the DSS hope to achieve? If the objective is to assist the APC in its quest to add the two states to the 19 states it ‘won’ on April 11, then the effort is a bill that lawmakers would describe as dead on arrival.
How could it be imagined that Akwa Ibom, for instance, which is traditionally conservative as evident in elections from post-independence Nigeria till date, would change inclination overnight because an aggrieved individual switched camps a few months to elections? When did the state become one that an individual can lead by the nose?
Let it be known that if elections were to be conducted 10 times in Akwa Ibom, PDP would win hands down. Governor Udom Emmanuel is a product of an administration that changed the course of the history of the state in a manner no previous administration had done. The people of the state voted for him because they know he will continue in the tradition of excellence that his predecessor established. There couldn’t have been a better successor to Akpabio.
President Buhari, who came into office with overwhelming goodwill, should call the director general of the DSS, who happens to be his kinsman, to order, before he destroys that goodwill so early in the morning.
Jimmy is a public affairs analyst based in Lagos
Idiongo Jimmy
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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