Opinion

2015 Election And Defection: What Do People Say?

Published

11 years ago

April 27, 2015

Following the victory of
the All Progressives Congress (APC) at the last presidential polls, there has been massive defection of politicians from their former political parties to the APC across the country.
This development has become worrisome to some people who think that it might lead to the death of opposition in Nigeria’s democracy.
How do Port Harcourt residents view the issue? Our Chief Correspondent, Calista Ezeaku and photographer, Ibioye Diama went round the city to find out.

Mr Kelvin Sunju Ibiama – Politician
Well, we know very well that every human being will want to join the moving train. Nobody wants to sink with the sinking boat. So it’s part of the game. It is not unacceptable even though the winners will always want to say the losers that will come in shouldn’t come to displace them to benefit from the struggle. So it is a welcome idea. I know defection did not start today. So the massive defection is expected also considering the fact that APC is now the majority party that has won over 20 states. More will cross over through tribunal, through making sure that they remain in the moving train and you cannot stop people from moving from one party to the other except it will be enshrined in the constitution. For now, there is no embargo on defection from one party to another.
That said, I think the massive defection that is going on in the country now is a welcome development because if we all tilt to one side, the fight will be less. For instance if you look at second tenure elections, the fight is usually less than what we see during transition or free elections. The second tenure is always softened based on the fact that most people have accepted defeat, most people defected during the first tenure and all that. So if we all tilt to one side it will lessen the fight and create a more peaceful atmosphere for the electorate.
I am not saying opposition should be killed but if majority is on one it lessens the fight. It will Reduce violence in our elections. When there are strong oppositions definitely, the opposition plays a positive role in any democratic government. For instance, when we were all in PDP, what we heard was “carry go” when you shout PDP they would say “carry go, no shaking.”
But today, because of strong opposition you no longer hear carry go or no shaking. Every party now works. So when there is strong opposition, you know you cannot sleep until you get it right.

Mr Wosa Sunday Okedi- A Banker
Well, the issue is that Nigerians don’t play politics as sportsmen. They see politics as a do or die affair which is very bad. If you belong to a political party and at the end of the day that party does not win election, that does not mean that you should defect from your party to the winning party. Remain in your party and embrace the party that won. All we need is a peaceful atmosphere and development of the state and the nation.
Unfortunately, most of our politicians are extremely selfish. Their main reason for defection is to benefit from the ruling party and they go there they start to suppress other people. They are all the same people, moving from one party to another. The parties all have the same ideology, that is why the politicians can defect from one party to another easily. If they have different ideologies, the ideology of a particular party may not suit the members of another party, then they will not have any reason to defect. But because they have the same ideology, it is easy for them to move from one party to another.
I’m afraid, the massive, constant defection will affect our democracy if not checked. It will not allow our democracy to grow the way it supposed to grow. It will kill opposition and may lead to one party state which is not good. Opposition parties makes the ruling party to be up and doing. Opposition make the party in power to do something for the people and to fulfill their campaign promises.
So, the National Assembly should enact a law that will make it difficult for people to be jumping from one party to another. The law should state that once an election is conducted, there will be no room form defection. There should be a time frame for defection. If you don’t move from this period to this period, don’t move again, because your movement at this period may endanger our democratic process.

Mr Bestman Dinwee – Driver
What is there is that everybody has his own choice and there is nothing wrong with defection. Definitely everybody will not move to APC or PDP. There will still be those that will choose to remain in their parties. And that is why I condemn the recent warning by the publicity secretary of APC – Lai Mohammed that PDP member should stop defecting to APC. People have the right to join any party of their choice at anytime. Any where you see something coming out you go. There are so many reasons why people decamp. Somebody can give you some money to decamp from your party to another. Majority of our leaders do not help us, so anywhere you see help, you go.
But as I said earlier, it is a personal decision. For me, my party remains my party. PDP is the party I like and that is where I will remain. Others can decamp at any time, it is not my own problem. The important thing is that I’m still there and I don’t think anything will make me change my mind.

Miss Joyce Loveday – Businesswoman
For me, it is not good for politicians to be jumping from one party to another. They should remain in their parties because I strongly believe that after the tenure of the in-coming elected officers the pendulum will surely swing to another party’s direction. If all the PDP members move to APC simply because APC will be the ruling party, it means they don’t want the existence of PDP. Despite the fact that I don’t know much about politics, I don’t think it should be played in that way.
When this side is bad, you run to the other side, when the other side is bad, you run to this side. What about those people that remained in their party, whether good or bad? If your house is not in order, you don’t run away, instead you stay in it and think of how to put it in order. You have to think of how to forge ahead because if there are no failures, there will be no success. When you fall, you try to rise up and move on. We are all bound to make mistake but when you make mistake you try and correct them and forge ahead.
However, in as much as I will want politicians to remain in their parties even when they lose, I will also want the winning party to carry members of other parties along, because there are good people in the opposition parties who can help in moving the nation forward. I believe people jump from one party to another because the ruling party controls almost everything but a situation where qualified people will be given appointments irrespective of their party affiliation, the rate of defection will reduce. The party at the top should ensure that everybody is carried along. The state, the nation belongs to us all and whichever party that wins should ensure that those that lost are carried along.

Chief Moses Daniel – Retired Civil Servant
I look at it as a fraud. I say is a fraud because this people are not sincere to themselves. You are in a party and you’ve nurtured the party up to an extent and it happens that your party did not win in an election and you defect to another party to do what? You should make sure your party grows instead of dumping it for another party.
Actually, I think our system encourages defection because our system is such that if you don’t belong to a rulling party, you will not partake in anything on the federal level. If you don’t belong to a rulling party, you will not be carried along. But I think that whether your party wins or not you are supposed to remain in your party because you don’t know tomorrow. The equation might change tomorrow.
This defection is actually affecting our democracy because it is the same people that are moving from one party to another. They are defecting to enable them go and make the same mistakes they made in their former parties that they couldn’t deliver. If you know yourself and you are a person of high principles, you have to remain in your party whether it wins or not because a looser today might be a winner tomorrow.

Mr Ikiriko Karibi Victor – Civil Servant
In the first place they say that success has many fathers and loosers are orphans. So I believe that those defecting from other parties to APC are doing so to see whether they can get money from the in-coming government. Secondly, they may also go there to cause problem because other people struggled to build up the party and they are now going there to go and cause confusion.
I think the law should take its course in this matter. For instance, we hear that in Ondo State, the court ruled that those who dumped their parties to other ones should vacate their seats. And so, if the law makers come up with a good law then the issue of defection will be reduced to the barest minimum because if nothing is done about the massive defection it might result to a one party system. I will also support the decision of the APC that politicians should remain in their parties. APC should close their doors against the defectors because if they don’t do so, everybody will join the party and we may end up with one party system.
And let me use this medium to advice those defecting to think twice because it might have adverse effect on their individual personalities. Let me give you an example, if Tonye Princewill had remained in ACN after contesting the governorship election under that platform perhaps Dakuku wouldn’t have be the governorship flag bearer of APC in the last election. Because he moved from one party to another, nobody has trust in him again. But for those who are consistent in their parties, they get better opportunities in future. So I will advise members of other political parties to maintain membership of their parties, nurture them into strong oopposition parties instead of drifting to the ruling party.

Opinion

Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

1 week ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”

The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.

Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.

This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.

Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.

Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.

Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

1 week ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.

According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?

Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.

President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.

While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.

Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.

Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.

It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.

By: Joseph Nwankwor

Opinion

The Girl Who Didn’t Dance

Published

2 weeks ago

November 19, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”

This piece is, primarily, the story of the girl who refused to dance during my first public performance as a pop musician. The event was the birthday party of Okechukwu Ogbowu at the residence of Chief Moses Nma Ogbowu at Omoku in February 1968. Secondarily, it is the story of a group of Ogba/Egbema youths who the chiefs considered rebellious and should, therefore, be watched very carefully. These two anecdotes are woven together by the story of my foray into music as a career in my youth. In 1958, I went on holidays to the home of my uncle Eze JNA Nwachuku at Ahoada. There, I heard a very strange music that tickled my preteen fancy to the point I started singing it using words I made up; I was eight. Back to Alinso Okeanu (Beach) after the holidays, the kids in the cosmopolitan community were wowed by my air and swag while singing the very strange song.

Years later, I learned the real words of the jazz classic “Hit the Road Jack” by Ray Charles. At fifteen, I was arraigned before a juvenile court in Omoku for singing a love song that contained the word “kiss” to the princess of Ogbaland at Ahia Orie market square; though discharged and acquitted, I was bound over to be of good behavior for six months. At sixteen, I got de-robed from the choir of St. Michael’s Church, Omoku for buying a guitar and audaciously changing my name from Enoch. At seventeen, I had my debut at Okechukwu’s birthday party where the girl, who is the primary focus of this piece, did not dance. During the party. I performed three songs: (1) “All My Loving” by The Beatles, which was the song that took me to the juvenile court, (2) “Midnight Hour” by Wilson “Wicked” Pickett and (3) “Please Don’t Tease” by Cliff Richard.

These songs are laden with amorous innuendos and have the words “kiss” and “love”, which were considered sacrilegious in those days. The veiled explicitness of Wicked Pickett’s lyricism didn’t help matters either; it added to the excitement, which became more palpable and the connection between crowd and artiste grew more profound, when Innocent Masi (now Dr. IA Masi mni) placed a five shillings note on my forehead. Everyone at the party virtually summersaulted on the dance floor, which was the interior balcony of Ogbowu’s house, the most beautiful house in Omoku then. The next day, the chiefs held an emergency meeting at the home of Chief S.O. Masi who was Commissioner of Onitsha Province during the First Republic; that province is now Anambra State. The single item on the agenda was the worrisome activities of the youths.

At the end of the meeting, a chief, whose name and the first book of the Gospels would tango smoothly to the rhythms and rhymes of poetry, threatened to shoot me if he ever saw me near his house with my jita. I perfectly understood his predicament; he had many pretty daughters. Poor fellow, unbeknownst to him, I was yet to know the difference between the birds and the bees. The next evening, Monday Wokocha (late Professor Addison), Gary Omo-Odi and I dared the chief in a daredevil episode that belongs in another narrative. He shot…in the air. That day, my parents seized my guitar and grounded me. Subsequently, my uncle Nwachuku whisked me off to Port Harcourt. Back to the party; yes, everyone at the party virtually summersaulted except a girl from Obite who didn’t step on the dance floor. She was slim, beautiful and quite tall for girls (even for boys) of that era; so, she stood very elegant.

Beyond the call-response greetings that characterize the socio-culture of the people of Ogba and Egbema, she was almost taciturn; she was shy and rarely spoke except when spoken to. However, she had a smile that lit up the environment as it contrasted with her ebony skin that glowed with the radiance of youth. I think Kamala Harris placed an order for that specific smile from the warehouse of the Divine on her way to this dimension. The girl who didn’t dance was Ngozi Elemele; daughter of Chief Samuel Elemele, a devout Christian, business man and highly patriotic Ogba man from Obite. Ngozi’s refusal (or was it inability?) to dance made us tease her that she has “two left legs” hence she couldn’t move them to the pulsating and compulsive rhythm of pop music. She just kept on smiling and that was an impregnable armor against our social arrows.

That calmness under relentless peer pressure earned her the moniker “Nwanjinwa” (Girl Nextdoor) amongst us; it contrasted with “Okoronwangbogbo”(prodigal son), which the vicar at St. Michael’s tagged me as he de-robed me from the choir. Those were the heady days of our lives. In 2024, a social commentator subjected the youths of Ogba/Egbema of that era to a critique. He observed that, irrespective of their youthful exuberance with a dose of mischief, that generation of Ogba/Egbema youths effectively took advantage of the ample educational opportunities provided by government immediately after the civil war. Also, he noted that that party produced four medical doctors, two lawyers, one architect, two general managers of parastatals, two chairmen of local government, three permanent secretaries, one head of service, three professors, and a deputy governor.

Concluding the analysis, the critic held that while many in the group held more than one position in the categorization, Ngozi Elemele, the girl who didn’t dance, held more top level public positions than the rest. She was Permanent Secretary, Commissioner, became Professor and is now Deputy Governor. Today, the Obite girl who didn’t dance at the party in 1968 is gracefully and elegantly waltzing at the center stage of Rivers State politics as Her Excellency, Prof Mrs. Ngozi Nma Odu DSSRS, the Deputy Governor of Rivers State. Her excellent performance in public office is a product of decades of fierce focus on the future, dedication and devotion to duty, resolute resilience, humility and simplicity; years spent climbing the arduous ladder of mainstream bureaucracy from Grade Level 08 to the apex of the pyramid, serving as Commissioner and thereafter venturing into the intellectually challenging trajectory of academics and also peaking at the apex of professorship and, eventually, clenching the coveted position of Deputy Governor of Rivers State.

Naturally, I was very delighted and humbled by the honor and privilege of being chairman of the occasion where Akabuka Community honored Her Excellency with a grand reception on October 25, 2025. It was very gratifying that her boss, His Excellency Sir Siminalaye Fubara GSSRS, supportively graced the occasion as Special Guest of Honor, a reflection of humility and simplicity in high profile office, which is uncommon in our society. Who says focus, determination, drive and hard work do not pay? They did then; they do now and they always will. Are the youths of today listening? “He that hath ears to hear, let him hear” (Matthew 11:15).

Akparikolamo!!!

By: Jason Osai