Opinion
Towards Nigerian Ex-Governors Forum
The ambition of some state governors to retire to the senate at the expiration of their tenures in 2015 is causing political tension in the affected states. At the last count, over 10 of such governors are currently scheming to pick their parties’ senatorial tickets in their districts, a development that has pitched the present occupants and some aspirants, who have sworn to frustrate such moves, hence, heightening the political tension in their domain.
In the south, for instance, the alleged senatorial ambitions of Governors Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom, Liyel Imoke of Cross River ,Theodore Orji of Abia and Sullivan Chime of Enugu States are causing uproar. Others in the north include Murtala Nyako of Adamawa, Ibrahim Shema of Katsina, Aliyu Wamako of Sokoto, Babangida Aliyu of Niger, Sule Lamido of Jigawa and Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano States.
Why has the senate become the beautiful bride of state governors? Since the inception of democracy in 1999, the upper chamber of the National Assembly has carved a reputation for attracting highly respected Nigerians like retired military administrators, ministers, retired governors and politicians. But what is worrisome is why second term governors who seek relevance now use the senate to preserve their political career and keep it alive.
Wherever parliamentary democracy is practised, the senate is held in high regard. It is not a place for those who lack dignity or ambience. It is also not a place for mediocrities. Unfortunately, here in Nigeria it has become a haven for all manner of corrupt politicians whose records are tainted with corrupt practices and those who have questions to answer before anti-graft agencies in the country.
For instance, Joshua Dariye, former Plateau State governor, was arrested in London in 2004 for money laundering. He allegedly jumped bail and returned to the country to continue his gubernatorial functions. Today, he is a senator. There are many other ex-governors-turned senators who have cases to clear with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. Till date, none of their cases has been concluded. Rather they use their positions as senators to obstruct investigations.
It is indeed sad that retired governors who lack credentials of performance have invaded the upper chamber. Some of them, out of desperation, go dangerously far to dump their political parties upon which platforms they were elected governors for other parties to clinch their senatorial tickets. Because of the influence the governors wield, they are given the ticket unopposed.
The massive influx of retiring governors to the National Assembly is an indication that they seek the position not for the development they will attract to their people, or the quality representation they will make on their behalf, but for personal aggrandizement. Exiting governors that do not contest for senatorial position either have strong opposition back home or are not in the good books of the higher powers that be.
Already it has been confirmed that 11 former governors are in the current senate. This number is expected to increase in the coming political dispensations. Some of them have gone there thinking that they can wield their despotic powers on the house and influence the affairs of things. The disturbing aspect is that many of them remain as onlookers and bench warmers in the senate while only few of them understand the reason they are there.
The upper chamber has been desecrated. It has become an all-comers affair. The incursion of corrupt governors to the senate calls for genuine concern. I am not suggesting that it is wrong for governors to seek for higher positions after their tenures particularly if they performed well while serving as governors, but they must subject themselves to the stipulated process of nomination devoid of undue influence and intimidation. Such ambition must be borne out of a genuine desire to serve the people of their senatorial district.
However, there is no guarantee that a governor, who successfully served his tenure must perform well as senator. Some of them are imperceptible and simply pass into oblivion when they realize that they no longer call the shots, but are part of a wider body whose members are equal. Soon it becomes clear that their presence in the National Assembly is for selfish reasons.
If ex-governors, who controlled ‘unlimited’ resources in their states, could not make any meaningful impact while they were governors, why should we expect miracles from them when they are senators?
It is to end the ugly trend where virtually every second term governor wants to end up in the senate that the leadership of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, sometime in February this year, attempted to scuttle the ambition of second term governors elected on its platform from picking the tickets in their districts. Though the move was not realized, it was an indication that the development had assumed unacceptable proportion.
If the National Assembly, especially the senate, must remain sacrosanct and continue to symbolize democracy in the country, this ugly scenario must be checked. If a good number of retired governors go into the senate as they have always wanted, they may form Nigerian Ex-governors Forum there. This will rub the senate of its vibrancy and the needed legislative bite to check the excesses of the executive.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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