Opinion
Towards Nigerian Ex-Governors Forum
The ambition of some state governors to retire to the senate at the expiration of their tenures in 2015 is causing political tension in the affected states. At the last count, over 10 of such governors are currently scheming to pick their parties’ senatorial tickets in their districts, a development that has pitched the present occupants and some aspirants, who have sworn to frustrate such moves, hence, heightening the political tension in their domain.
In the south, for instance, the alleged senatorial ambitions of Governors Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom, Liyel Imoke of Cross River ,Theodore Orji of Abia and Sullivan Chime of Enugu States are causing uproar. Others in the north include Murtala Nyako of Adamawa, Ibrahim Shema of Katsina, Aliyu Wamako of Sokoto, Babangida Aliyu of Niger, Sule Lamido of Jigawa and Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano States.
Why has the senate become the beautiful bride of state governors? Since the inception of democracy in 1999, the upper chamber of the National Assembly has carved a reputation for attracting highly respected Nigerians like retired military administrators, ministers, retired governors and politicians. But what is worrisome is why second term governors who seek relevance now use the senate to preserve their political career and keep it alive.
Wherever parliamentary democracy is practised, the senate is held in high regard. It is not a place for those who lack dignity or ambience. It is also not a place for mediocrities. Unfortunately, here in Nigeria it has become a haven for all manner of corrupt politicians whose records are tainted with corrupt practices and those who have questions to answer before anti-graft agencies in the country.
For instance, Joshua Dariye, former Plateau State governor, was arrested in London in 2004 for money laundering. He allegedly jumped bail and returned to the country to continue his gubernatorial functions. Today, he is a senator. There are many other ex-governors-turned senators who have cases to clear with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. Till date, none of their cases has been concluded. Rather they use their positions as senators to obstruct investigations.
It is indeed sad that retired governors who lack credentials of performance have invaded the upper chamber. Some of them, out of desperation, go dangerously far to dump their political parties upon which platforms they were elected governors for other parties to clinch their senatorial tickets. Because of the influence the governors wield, they are given the ticket unopposed.
The massive influx of retiring governors to the National Assembly is an indication that they seek the position not for the development they will attract to their people, or the quality representation they will make on their behalf, but for personal aggrandizement. Exiting governors that do not contest for senatorial position either have strong opposition back home or are not in the good books of the higher powers that be.
Already it has been confirmed that 11 former governors are in the current senate. This number is expected to increase in the coming political dispensations. Some of them have gone there thinking that they can wield their despotic powers on the house and influence the affairs of things. The disturbing aspect is that many of them remain as onlookers and bench warmers in the senate while only few of them understand the reason they are there.
The upper chamber has been desecrated. It has become an all-comers affair. The incursion of corrupt governors to the senate calls for genuine concern. I am not suggesting that it is wrong for governors to seek for higher positions after their tenures particularly if they performed well while serving as governors, but they must subject themselves to the stipulated process of nomination devoid of undue influence and intimidation. Such ambition must be borne out of a genuine desire to serve the people of their senatorial district.
However, there is no guarantee that a governor, who successfully served his tenure must perform well as senator. Some of them are imperceptible and simply pass into oblivion when they realize that they no longer call the shots, but are part of a wider body whose members are equal. Soon it becomes clear that their presence in the National Assembly is for selfish reasons.
If ex-governors, who controlled ‘unlimited’ resources in their states, could not make any meaningful impact while they were governors, why should we expect miracles from them when they are senators?
It is to end the ugly trend where virtually every second term governor wants to end up in the senate that the leadership of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, sometime in February this year, attempted to scuttle the ambition of second term governors elected on its platform from picking the tickets in their districts. Though the move was not realized, it was an indication that the development had assumed unacceptable proportion.
If the National Assembly, especially the senate, must remain sacrosanct and continue to symbolize democracy in the country, this ugly scenario must be checked. If a good number of retired governors go into the senate as they have always wanted, they may form Nigerian Ex-governors Forum there. This will rub the senate of its vibrancy and the needed legislative bite to check the excesses of the executive.
Arnold Alalibo
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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