Editorial
Nigeria At 52, Greater Future In Sight
On October 1st, 1960, exactly 52 years ago, Nigeria became
an independent nation-state after nearly a century of indirect and direct
British Colonial rule. We recall with uncommon pride and nostalgia that
historic moment when, the union Jack was lowered for a sovereign Nigeria’s
Green white Green national flag.
We salute the resolve, doggedness and resilience of the
founding fathers in the invaluable nationalistic quest for self-rule and congratulate
the government and people of Nigeria for defending the unity of the country in
the past 52 years.
Indeed, for a nation of more than 155,215,573 people, by
2011 estimates, more than eight major ethnic groups and over 150 others and
about 200 different languages, diverse cultures, multiplicity of religions, divergent
hopes and fears, that Nigeria still remains one indivisible political,
socio-economic and geographical entity is worth celebrating.
As we celebrate, however, it becomes even more instructive
to venture a deliberate introspection of the past, if for nothing else, to
appraise how far and well the journey of nationhood to socio-economic
independence has been. Unfortunately, such self-evaluation, without doubt,
presents a mixed bag of wasted resources, failed leadership, poor fiscal
planning, infrastructural decay, increasing insecurity, political intolerance,
ethno-religious extremism and indeed abject poverty.
From a vibrant agro-based economy in pre-independence
Nigeria, the country is today a molothic economy, dependent primarily on oil,
which earnings do not reflect the infrastructural decay, lack of employment,
fall in educational standards, poor public health institutions, death-traps
called Federal roads and indeed successive maladministration.
Since, according to the legendary English Philosopher John
Stuart Mill (1806-73) “the worth of a state, in the long run, is the worth of
the individuals composing it,” it becomes even more imperative to measure our
52 years of nationhood by the quality of life of the ordinary Nigerian to whom
nationhood ought to mean more than mere political independence. In this regard,
that more than 70 per cent of the population still live below the poverty line
cannot excite celebration of any kind.
However, poverty cannot also be a justification for the orgy
of terror-based insurgency in parts of the North, neither should it be excuse
for the rise in criminal activities across the nation, all of which tend to
raise question about the people’s readiness to defend the nation’s unity.
Unfortunately, the scenario is being exploited by selfish
politicians to preach division instead of unity, fear instead of hope and
insurgency rather than tolerance. These, inadvertently tend to give credence to
the prediction that Nigeria could breakup by 2015, using the next electoral
process as a necessary platform to affirm the dooms day.
The Tide believes in the indivisibility, unity and mutual
co-existence of the various peoples of Nigeria, just as we believe in the
possibility of the transformation of the country, in spite of the enormous
challenges we face as a nation. We note that what Nigeria is today suffering is
accumulated dividends of bad governance, unbridled corruption, planlessness on
the part of successive administrations, and deliberate disobedience of the
constitution and other laws of the land, all of which cannot be wished away
over night.
What is required therefore, is for the leadership to remain
focused, dedicated and patriotic in attempts to address, in a lasting manner,
the myriad of national problems that directly touch the ordinary Nigerian. The
citizenry on their part must develop a positive integer in their expectations
of government and not be fooled by the growing blackmail that any single
administration can, with a magic wand, wave away all their worries.
This is why The Tide thinks that attempt by sections of the
country to encumber the President Jonathan administration with the political
pressure to right all wrongs at a single go, smarks of avoidable incitement of
the citizenry against the administration. The right way forward, is not to
politicize every national concern for the sole purpose of scoring cheap
political points.
We commend the wisdom and rare display of maturity thusfar
demonstrated by President Jonathan in extricating himself from the debate over
his political future in 2015 and his commitment to putting the nation together
in spite of the unprecedented political, security and religious challenges.
The Tide is pleased with the modest success being made in
national governance especially in summoning the necessary political will to
probe the oil subsidy regime, approval of national minimum wage for the civil
servant, improved remuneration for university teachers, special pay for doctors
and health sector workers, a conducive political atmosphere for free speech,
implementation of the 35 per cent affirmative action for women integration, and
reforms in the power sector resulting in the improvement in electricity
generation into the national grid from 2,200 MW in 2010 to 4,400mw this year,
and which accounts for the relatively stable electricity supply.
It is however sad that Nigeria’s power sector still cannot
benefit sufficiently, from the massive interventionist efforts being made by
variousstates of the federation in the area of power generation on account of
constitutional inhibitions, grounded on the unitary approach to addressing
national development.
To put Nigeria on the path of unimpeded development
therefore, the National Assembly and indeed all well-meaning Nigerians must
work towards a comprehensive review of the nation’s constitution. And quickly
too.
Such reviews would be meaningless if the various sections of
the country fail to appreciate the propriety of peaceful co-existence and agree
to respect and understand that our ephemeral differences are nothing compared
to the lot that unites us as a people and resolve to live in peace and unity in
spite of our diversity. The near frequent appeal to sectionalism, tribalism,
religion, ethnicism and class often actuated by selfish political passion and consideration can only seek to
divide us, not unite us!
This is where the National Assembly must rise up to the
challenge of not only making proactive laws, but also investing meaningfully in
regular sensitisation and education of their constituents on the merits of
Nigerian unity. To achieve that, the legislature must partner with the
executive and indeed judiciary to prevent the near frequent heating-up of the
polity by being statesmanly in exercise of their oversight functions on other
arms of government.
Rather than become a ready tool to the political opposition
to whom their seems to be no single common ground for national cohesion, the
National Assembly would do well to consider itself as an ample part of
governance at the highest level, and face, with a sense of patriotism and
statesmanship the business of making vital laws needed to guarantee the growth
and speedy development of the country.
One such is the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) which
protracted delay can no longer be supported, just as the avoidable bickerings
over comprehensive review of the constitution, not just a distraction but a
costly mistake that does none any good.
As we celebrate this year’s independence anniversary,
therefore, government, the legislature, the judiciary, states and local
governments and indeed all well-meaning stakeholders of the Nigerian project,
must resolve to work in synergy towards sourcing solutions to the nation’s
challenges and not blame it all on the serving president and his team.
The Tide believes that every people deserves the leadership
they get and must work together for common good and a better future. Most
importantly, we most understand that nearly all developed nations of today,
confronted similar, if not more difficult challenges before attaining the now
enviable noble heights. With love for country, hardwork and prayers, The Tide
sees a brighter and greater Nigeria that all will be proud of. This should be
our target not despair.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.