Editorial
NASS And The Corruption War
The House of Representatives in January, 2012, set up an ad-hoc committee to probe the Federal Government’s subsidy payments approved by the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA), a subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The committee two weeks ago, indicated that it was ready to submit its report to the National Assembly after a painstaking effort.
The committee is the fallout of the controversy surrounding payments of N1.3trillion to petroleum products importers, including the NNPC, which made the President Goodluck Jonathan administration to announce the withdrawal of subsidy on petrol with effect from January 1, 2012.
The subsidy withdrawal, which triggered a one-week nationwide strike and protests by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Trade Union Congress (TUC), and civil society organisations (CSOs), brought to the front burner, once again, the critical issue of unbridled corruption in the oil and gas industry.
In the wake of the suspension of the industrial action by organised labour, the Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke, had announced sweeping measures to investigate the malfeasance and the corrupt manipulation of the subsidy regime by unscrupulous officials of the NNPC, including setting up committees to audit the process, and recommend strict disciplinary measures against those found wanting. The minister also requested the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate those involved in the subsidy management process, and prosecute anyone found culpable of corrupt practices.
A Senate committee had also been investigating the alleged disappearance of N450billion from the Federation Account, after the National Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (NRMAFC) had accused the NNPC of diverting the said sum, which it claimed should have formed part of the revenue from crude oil sales that was denied the three tiers of government in 2010.
Indeed, the efforts to unmask the sharp practices in the downstream sector of the oil and gas industry marks a turning point in the anti-corruption war of the Federal Government. For us, this is the first bold step to fight corruption headlong in the country.
We say so, because, since the beginning of the House ad-hoc committee’s investigation into the subsidy saga, a whole gamut of inconsistencies have emerged from the various government ministries, departments and agencies that have volunteered information at the committee’s hearing.
From the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, PPPRA, Ministry of Finance to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), it is obvious that the manipulations that characterised the subsidy regime had been a conduit pipe for siphoning huge public funds at the detriment of the infrastructural development of the nation; and the wellbeing of Nigerians. If from a budget allocation of N450billion, the government had paid out about N1.736trillion as at December 31, 2011, we think that some people must be held to account for the money.
The Tide hopes that the report of the committee would mark a significant step in the fight against corruption in the country. Given that the oil industry is the nation’s largest revenue earner, and contributes more than 85 per cent of Nigeria’s Gross National Product (GNP), we feel that a successful war against corruption in the sector will be a great victory in the anti-graft crusade because other indices of sharp practices within the economy would naturally fall in line.
This is why we expect that the report will unravel the sharp manipulations, those involved and their sponsors. The committee should also ensure that appropriate laws are invoked and the relevant anti-graft agencies engaged to arrest and prosecute collaborators in this menace.
We call for the critical examination of the KPMG Audit Reports and the several audit reports of the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), which indicted the NNPC, and ensure strict implementation of such damning recommendations. We insist that those indicted should be arrested, and prosecuted.
This probe should not be treated like previous inquiries into misappropriations in government, which till date have not gone beyond the submission of reports and recommendations; or empty promises to deal with those found culpable.
The rot in NNPC has dragged this nation down for too long, and must be tackled now, once and for all. We insist that the recommendations of the committee must be implemented to the letter.
This is the time to make a frontal attack against economic saboteurs, and ensure that the impact of the transformation agenda of government is felt by the ordinary Nigerian.
Editorial
Strike: Heeding ASUU’s Demands
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
Addressing The State Of Roads In PH
