Editorial
Beyond The Post-UTME Controversy
The resolution of the Senate last week to investigate the continued relevance of the post Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) screening in Nigerian universities triggered a laughable controversy.
At the last count, parties in the controversy included the Committee of Vice-Chancellors, the National Universities Commission (NUC), apologists of the senate and some “Jambites” who staged public protest in Lagos. Meanwhile, the Education Minster has also joined with a view to facilitating a truce.
The whole drama started with a motion by Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, representing Bayelsa West Senatorial District, that the Post-UTME screening by universities should be scrapped. His reason was that Post-UTME has no constitutional basis.
Senator Lokpobiri also cited cases of financial exploitation under the Post-UTME scheme, a point the admission seekers who staged the protest in Lagos also alleged among other very worrisome developments surrounding the desire to gain admission into public universities in Nigeria.
Interesting as the positions of the contending parties may sound, the controversy provides Nigeria with a very good opportunity to once again set things right in the admission procedure of our universities. Indeed, it is an opportunity to invoke international best practices even in this sector.
For too long, the average Nigerian has endured a frustrating admission process with courage. A situation where a candidate is made to take two examinations to get one admission cannot be right. Worse still, is the extra financial burden it puts on parents. This should no longer be allowed to continue.
Also worrisome is the spate of alleged impropriety in the handling of the process both by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and the various universities who apparently also hope to generate revenue from the process. Sadly, none truly adds to standards in the institutions.
Indeed, it has become almost impossible to ignore allegations that candidates now buy admissions. If this is true, what is the controversy over who should admit candidates?
There is need for the country to re-visit the reasons that necessitated the Post-UTME system. We should also go back to what made the establishment of JAMB imperative before the next step is taken. Clearly, those reasons hardly exist anymore especially with the establishment of many private universities.
Today, if the country decides to abolish Post-UTME and JAMB examinations, nothing will go bad. Of course, JAMB is only a relic of over concentration of things in this country. Nigeria cannot continue to re-enact the unitary system of government in every sphere when it is not what the constitution says.
In all the civilised democracies, schools reserve the right to admit the quality and number of students they need. Such institutions have admitted students with an eye on research and competition to continue to attract the best brains in both teaching staff and students.
Nigeria should also move on and allow academics to do their thing and not make a political establishment to decide who an institution should admit. It even amounts to waste of time and resources for one institution to declare a candidate admitted and for another to re-examine.
Beyond this error in the system, we think that stakeholders in the education sector should be united in seeking and sustaining befitting standards in the system. One thing that cannot be missed in the whole episode is the apparent fear of many candidates to face examinations because they are ill-equipped for these examinations. They also do terrible things to compromise the examining bodies.
With the huge poverty profile in the country, made worse by a culture of corruption, there is very little the examiners can do to be upright. But if universities are allowed to admit their own students, it will be the problem and its perpetrators.
Governments across the country should be worried over the quality of people that come out of primary and post-primary schools. It is clear that the foundation is wrong, and the tertiary area cannot show much. The failure rate at the senior secondary school level in the last two years should give the authorities grave cause for worry rather than fighting over admission process.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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