Opinion
Rural Focus In Poverty Eradication
Two days ago, precisely October 17, 2011 individuals, organisations, and countries worldwide observed the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty first celebrated by the United Nations (UN) in 1993. The global event was marked with public lectures, panel discussions, cultural presentations, interfaith gatherings, and other activities to promote awareness of the need to eradicate poverty and destitution across the world and to also renew commitment in fostering good governance primed to improve the objective living condition of the people.
But surprisingly, nothing much was heard about Nigeria’s participation in the global observance. To all intents and purposes, the event provided an opportuned time for non-governmental organisations, professional bodies, labour unions, traditional rulers, policy makers, and development practitioners to gather and share ideas on how best to eradicate mass poverty in the country. And indeed, it provided a good time to critically appraise the country’s development policies and programmes and, particularly, government efforts at eradicating extreme poverty among the populace.
Faced by the wide spread and multi-dimensional poverty in Nigeria, the Olusegun Obasanjo administration introduced the National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP). The aim was to promote economic and social development and to eradicate poverty in the country by increasing the poor’s access to education, basic health, and in-come generating activities.
To ensure that all the activities of NAPEP were effectively coordinated and extended, the Olusegun Obasanjo administration established the National Poverty Eradication Council to plan and harmonise the responsibilities of the line ministries, parastatals, and agencies involved in actualising the aims and objectives of the programme.
At the inception of the package, it was hoped that the programme would achieve the millennium development goals, especially those of integrating the principles of sustainable development into the countries policies, and reducing by half the proportion of people suffering from hunger.
But the fact remains that in spite of the efforts, or plans Nigeria is still rated as one of the poorest countries of the world, characterised by low level of living, low level of productivity, high and rising levels of unemployment and underemployment.
Apparently, whatever goods that have been delivered with these efforts have generally accrued to the tiny ruling class, the power elite, managers, bureaucrats, contractors, and their cronies. Basic commitment to full employment, free medical services, pension and other social security for peasants and other self-employed people, decent housing for all citizens, general rural pipe-borne water, electrification and feeder roads, to benefit the poor, are accorded low priority in the plans.
Worse still, the plans are more often than not aggregations of incompatible projects and policies and not strategies consciously designed to eradicate poverty in the land. Besides, right from conception to implementation of the plans or programmes, political considerations are placed over and above rational-technical questions of selecting alternatives which have the greatest probability of effecting the most efficient allocation of scare resources. And, strictly speaking, nobody takes the programmes seriously after the initial fanfare with which they are announced.
Rural development, especially with a vast traditional sector which depends heavily on the natural environment, is a complicated process. So planning for rural development in Nigeria should go beyond the techniques used for the modern sector and advanced countries.
Rural development efforts for Nigeria should not just revolve around isolated programmes of community development, rural reconstruction, communal action, agricultural extension or any of the other terms applied to sectoral activities carried out within the rural communities but aim at eliciting favourable changes in the way of life of the people concerned.
They should address such problems as what, how, and how much to produce, questions of taxation policy, and incentives; of savings, credit and investment. It must also take into account systems of education policy, local government, preservation of law and other, administration of justice, provision of roads and other means of communication, health and medical facilities, the quality of life and so on.
The ambit of this concept is indeed very wide. But the aim is to encourage and promote the well being of the rural majority which constitutes close to 80 percent of the country’s population. And as the sector that constitutes the social and economic environment of the major part of our population, unless the rural areas are set moving, many of the objectives of our development will be frustrated.
The very nature of the process of rural development and the size of the problem of promoting the desired economic and social progress in our rural areas therefore require that action be taken on several fronts simultaneously and not independently of each other. This means that the very concept of rural development demands the application of the knowledge and skills of all relevant national or international services in an integrated rather than isolated or fragmentary way. Thus the federal government’s determination to partner with private and multinational institutions in a bid to break away from the grips of a poorly performing agricultural sector, the economic base of our rural people, is a welcome development.
The struggle to turn our rural areas from poverty to prosperity is not just to support the people or to make them dependent on the generosity of others; it is a struggle to give our forgotten rural people a chance that allows them to develop and use their skills and talents in the promise of an egalitarian society which the nation apparently offers.
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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