Editorial
Unity Schools: Release White Paper Now
The recent visit by the Minister of State for Education, Chief Ezebunwo Nyesom Wike to Federal Government College, Apo, Abuja, and his lamentations on the physical condition of the school have once more brought to the front burner, the lingering frustration of how best to tackle the rot in the 104 unity colleges operated by the Federal Government across the country.
In an interview with newsmen in Abuja shortly after an inspection tour of the school, Wike was quoted as saying that, “if we do not have the funds, we should consider collapsing some of them (the unity schools). Wike’s remarks may sound tough but certainly it is not new. In January, this year, President Goodluck Jonathan inaugurated a Presidential Task Team on Education with the mandate to propose strategic measures to revamp education and address specific issues as contained in an eight-point term of reference.
The 42-man team, headed by Prof Pai Obanya, made far-reaching recommendations in the report that was submitted to Jonathan, last May.
On the 104 Federal Government colleges, the team’s 96-page report presented three options for consideration. The first is for the Federal Government to disengage from providing secondary education and leave the responsibility for basic and secondary education to states and local governments.
In furtherance of this option, the committee recommended the transfer of the 104 unity schools to the 36 state governments and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). It also advised that only two schools (one each for mixed sexes and girls only) in each of the six geopolitical zones and FCT, making a total of 14, should be retained by the Federal Government as model schools and run as such.
The committee further recommended an amendment to the Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education Act 2004, to expand the purview of the Act to include senior secondary school education from SS1 to SS3. The UBEC Act currently covers the first nine years of a child’s education from primaries 1 to 6 and junior secondary school from JSS1 to JSS3.
In the committee’s thinking, the Federal Government should concentrate on coordinating policy and providing the catalytic (or perhaps even regular) financial assistance (matching grant) to the other tiers of government through an expanded UBEC. Under this, the Federal Government will focus on the tertiary sub-sector similar to what it is doing for water resources and healthcare.
The last option is the redeployment of the teachers, who are civil servants and are employed by the Federal Civil Service Commission, to a revamped Federal Inspectorate Service or to other ministries where their services may be required, so there will be no retrenchment of staff.
Justifying these recommendations, the team described the Federal Government colleges as “a special challenge, because their running has become the Federal Ministry of Education’s major pre-occupation.”
To give further insight into the findings of the committee, the report stated that out of the headquarters’ total staff strength of 27,227 in 2007, 23,110 were deployed in the unity schools. Only 4,117 were employed in Abuja and the zonal offices nationwide. This means that over 80 per cent of the headquarters’ staff were employed to run the then 102 schools (excluding the two established in 2008 at Dayi in Katsina State and Doma in Nasarawa State).
Again, the 102 unity schools had a total of 122,000 students in 2006/2007 academic session, out of 30.2million students undergoing secondary education nationwide. They, therefore, cater for a very insignificant fraction of Nigerians who are receiving secondary school education.
The committee also noted that over 80 per cent of headquarters’ budget is spent on the unity schools. For instance, out of a total capital budget of N24.2billion between 2000 and 2006, over N18.7billion was appropriated for the 102 schools.
However, in terms of performance, 85 per cent of the students in unity schools failed the West African Senior Secondary School Certificate Examination from 2000-2004 while the success rate for National Examination Council from 2000-2006 was 38 per cent.
The committee concluded that, “in their present condition, they do not appear to be sources of excellence in secondary education and cannot be models for the states and other school proprietors – one of the reasons for establishing them in the first instance.”
Irked by the continued decay in the system, the former minister of state for education, Kenneth Gbagi set up a 105-member ministerial committee to assess the unity colleges. The committee, divided into 12 groups – two for each of the geopolitical zones – with the former principal of King’s College and Kogi State Commissioner for Education, Sylvester Onoja, as the overall chairman, visited all the 104 colleges and came up with a report which validated the report of the presidential task team.
There is no doubt, therefore, that many things have gone wrong with the running of the unity schools, and that any of the above options will result in a leaner, more professional Federal Ministry of Education that would concentrate on front-end as against back-end development. With this, the use of resources will also be optimized.
What is not clear, however, is the reason for the continued delay in finding a lasting solution to the problem. Against this backdrop, we also lend our voice to the view expressed by Wike that the Federal Government has to divorce political sentiments in efforts to find a quick, concrete and practical solution to the problem.
One positive step that must be taken in this direction is for the government to urgently study the report of the presidential task team and publish a white paper that can be quickly implemented in tandem with one of the recommendations. This way, the government would be seen to be proactively re-inventing the education sector as a means of restoring the lost glory in the system. This is our stand.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
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