Editorial
Post-Amnesty: Beyond Restructuring
The Federal Government, last week, announced plans to restructure its post amnesty programme. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Parastatals and Statutory Bodies on Government Affairs, Deacon Braiye Ekiye, the planned restructuring is part of the efforts to properly integrate the ex-militants in the mainstream of government activities. This, according to him, is to ensure that in no distant time, the ex-militants, who are currently undergoing different training programmes in foreign countries, will become citizens that cannot be used for nefarious activities.
Also, as part of the restructuring, the Federal Government says it would ensure that the programme set for infrastructural development in terms of rehabilitating the ex-militants is implemented.
Commendable as this move may seem, critics of the post-amnesty programme have continuously voiced concern on its open-ended nature. For instance, the absence of a definite timeframe for the much hailed post-amnesty rehabilitation process has been described by some observers as, possibly, a means to cover up the misuse of public funds.
It has also been observed that, despite laudable gains attributed to the post-amnesty programme – like increased crude oil production and decline in militant-related violence such as kidnapping in the region, no one, including government officials, seems to know what exactly comes next. In other words, there are no timelines attached to projects requiring huge public funds.
Last year, the budget of the programme was reported to have swollen from N58 billion to N65 billion, while this year, no one seems to know exactly how much the programme was going to cost.
Former special adviser to the president on Niger Delta and chairman of the Amnesty Committee, Timi Alaibe, was once reported as describing the final stage of the post-amnesty programme – reintegration – as essentially a social and economic process with an open time-frame. Also, the Special Adviser to the President on Petroleum Matters, Engr Emmanuel Egbogah was recently quoted as stating that the amnesty training programme is not something that is for one day, but an ongoing thing that could last for years.
These uncertainties have, no doubt, heightened fears that the programme is prone to hijack, and can be used as means to siphon public funds.
In this regard, we think that the proposed restructuring, which aims at hastening the realization of the fundamental objectives of the post-amnesty programme – the reintegration of the ex-militants into the mainstream of the society, provides ample opportunity to eliminate these uncertainties through the introduction of timelines on subsequent projects meant for the ex-militants.
Another concern which the management of the programme must not keep in the background while reviewing its activities is the society into which these ex-militants are supposed to be reintegrated.
Here is a society comprising millions of law abiding but jobless youths whose future were also partly dislocated by the illegitimate activities of these once ‘outlaws’ but now ex-militants. Here is also a society comprising families and communities set apart and even put on war part by the activities of the ex-militants.
We think that any purposeful restructuring of the post-amnesty programme must, in addition to setting timelines for the remaining activities of the programme, must hasten to liaise with all the agencies of government concerned with addressing the developmental needs of the Niger Delta with the view to stimulating them into visible activities.
We, therefore, urge the Federal Government to take immediate steps to boost activities in those ministries, parastatals and agencies concerned with youth empowerment. The Ministry of Niger Delta and agencies such as the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), skills acquisition centres, and scholarship boards must be funded adequately to increase the pace of development activities in the region.When this is done, youths prone to militancy could look up to these agencies and institutions as avenues of bettering their future rather than taking to militancy.
Of course, it is a truism that, you cannot make a child happy by making him richer than his other siblings. The sumptuous treatment currently given to the ex-militants could have a negative effect of provoking envy among the large school of unemployed youths in the region. But if agencies set up to cater for their individual and collective developmental concerns are strengthened to function effectively, it becomes difficult to divert their attention to nefarious activities that threaten peace and security.
Again, we expect the restructured post-amnesty to include programmes of reconciliation of families and communities set apart by the militancy while it raged. To reintegrate these ex-militants into the civil society without first reconciling them with their kith and kin, their families and neighbours could further inflame passion. This is our take!
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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