Opinion
For A Credible Electoral Process
By his gesticulations and words in the past few weeks, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan appears committed to delivering credible polls to the nation in 2011. But Dr. Jonathan will have to back his intention with sufficient political will to convince Nigerians that are yet to recover from the trauma of the electoral fraud that passed for election in 2007. To match action with words, the Acting President sent unedited copies of the report of the Justice Mohammed Uwais-led Electoral Reform Committee to the National Assembly for debate and review of the 2006 electoral law and the 1999 constitution.
Sometimes last year, the federal government under President Yar’Adua had, against public expectations, rejected two recommendations considered central to credible election; appointment of the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, by the National Judicial Council to guarantee the commission and the conclusion of litigations arising from election before winners are sworn-in. These two recommendations and others that require the amendment of the constitution and the electoral law were sent to the National Assembly for consideration.
Recently, the Acting President promised Nigerians changes that would deliver credible election in 2011. Here are his words: “The promise I made to you today, is that we will all do all within our power to promote open, fair and transparent election. This government will insist on electoral justice and there is no going back on that.” This promise is far-reaching and offers hope to Nigerians for a change in our electoral system.
In line with Dr. Jonathan’s resolve and in anticipation of the adoption of the Uwais’ report in respect of the commencement of election, INEC released two time tables for the conduct of 2011 polls. This in my view is quite unnecessary. Considerations should have only be given to the January date, which is in anticipation of possible approval of the Uwais committee recommendation that election be conducted six months to the inauguration of winners to give room for the conclusion of election litigations. The April date on the time table is unacceptable as it amounts to a respect of past mistakes.
There is no doubt that the retention of the provisions of the 1999 constitution and 2006 Electoral Act that produced the massively flawed 2007 election cannot midwife the desired credible election. Therefore, as the National Assembly does the amendment of the constitution (even though the senate has concluded it amendment process), it is imperative for the Acting President to use his influence and lobby the legislators to adopt the sound recommendations of the Uwais Electoral Reform Committee.
The Independence of INEC is central to free and fair election. Apart from the appointment of INEC Chairman by an independent body, funding of the electoral body must come from the first line charge of the Consolidated Revenue Fund while the tenure of the chairman and the commissioners has to be insulated from executive interference.
It is no longer a secret that election rigging starts from voter registration, turns through other segments of the electoral process and ends at announcement of results. Foolproof measures should be put in place in these areas to guarantee credible elections. The recent election conducted in Ekiti, Anambra and elsewhere have shown that the nation’s voters’ register is not credible. INEC has to discard the old register and embark on a credible registration. Besides, the register has to be regularly updated.
The modified open secret ballot should be adopted for elections while announcement of result should be done at the polling booths and in the full glare of the voters and the press to check incidence of ballot box staffing, snatching and falsification of results. The media and voters should be granted unrestricted access to the monitoring of the voting process to guarantee transparency.
The tenure of Prof. Maurice Iwu, the INEC chairman, will expire in June. The agitation to either extend his tenure or not notwithstanding, there is need to place him on pre-retirement leave and allow fresh hands to immediately kick-start preparations for the conduct of the 2011 election. It is indeed shameful that in spite of Iwu’s shortcomings, some Nigerians would clamour for his retention by staging pro Iwu protests. This nation must not reward incompetence by extending the tenure of the current INEC board chairman. Those who failed the nation in 2007 must not be allowed to continue in office.
Our democracy has become very weak because voters were not allowed in previous election in the country. We cannot afford to travel the same old road again.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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