Opinion
The Gani Phenomenon
Mercy Oke-Chinda
The inevitability of death dawned on so many Nigerians on Saturday, 5th September when Barr. Mohammed Fawehinmi, the eldest son of Chief Gani Oyesola Fawehinmi, announced the demise of his father. Though many knew he was down with cancer of the lungs they still believed that Gani’s legendary posture had clothed him with immortality.
About 40 years ago the Gani phenomenon hit our national consciousness when he took up a case against a military officer in Jos who took over the wife of a poor civil servant. Since then he adopted different legal means of ensuring that justice was done. He did so many pro bono cases for the poor and oppressed. His unrelenting stance on human rights earned him the title “Senior Advocate of the Masses” (SAM) even before he was made a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN).
I believe it was his propensity for ensuring that justice is done even at the risk being branded an extremist that informed his secondary school principal, late Rev’d Akinrele, to advise that Gani be encouraged by his parents to study law. The result of this counsel was his study of law in England and subsequent call to the Nigeria Bar on 15th Janary, 1965.
Gani Fawehinmi’s dogged determination led him to practice solely when he was barely three months post-call. From then he did not look back in his fight for justice and good governance.
He handled many landmark cases and opened new vistas in the administration of justice in Nigeria. It was in Fawehinmi Vs Abacha that the Supreme Court decided, for the first time, that the African Human Rights Charter is enforceable in Nigeria. Also, in Fawehinmi Vs. Inspector General of Police the Supreme Court decided that in spite of the immunity enjoyed by the President, Vice President, Governors and their deputies under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, they can be investigated though not tried.
Fawehinmi did not only litigate, he also published the Nigerian Weekly Law Reports (NWLR); “must have” for every serious legal practitioner in Nigeria. Today NWLR has over 780 parts with each part having over 300 pages weekly. The NWLR has been consistently published for 21 years. He also had 20 other books on different aspects of law to his credit.
In the dark years of military dictatorship when many receded, Gani Fawwhinmi was one of the few that stuck out their necks to seek justice, protest reckless use of power and abuse of human rights. Irrespective of the dire consequences, he frequently sought judicial review of governmental policies and actions. This landed him in prison several times that it became a way of life for him. But in his characteristic doggedness he remained undaunted. In fact, he was reputed to have kept a bag packed in case he was unexpectedly hauled off to jail.
His hard stance on Human Right issues is incontrovertible. This attracted accolades even beyond the borders of Nigeria. In 1998, he was awarded the Bernard Simons Memorial Award of the International Bar Association (IBA). The award is one of the highest distinctions that may be conferred on a lawyer across borders. The award was instituted in June, 1995 in honour of late London solicitor, Barnard Simon to reward outstanding achievements in Criminal Law Practice which promote, protect and advance human rights, especially the right to live in a fair and just society under the rule of law. By this he became the first Black African to be so honoured.
Gain, no doubt, lived a fulfilled and remarkable life devouted to the fight for good governance and justice. The tributes paid to him by Nigerians eloquently testify to this. But, as stated by the president of the Nigerian Bar Association, Mr. Oluwarotimi Akeredolu (SAN). “We are consoled by the quality of his consistent and persistent input to national development, Fawehinmi, a legal icon and public interest litigator par excellence, fought a good fight. His life is an enduring lesson”. Also, Gani’s like, Lagos lawyer, Femi Falana said “Indubitably, Nigeria has lost a dogged fighter par excellence, a social crusader of extra-ordinary moral fibre and public interest litigator of unequal dimension who consistently confronted the menace of institutionalised injustice, wanton official corruption and excruciating poverty unleashed on helpless Nigerians by a tiny rapacious ruling. Elite.”
After being imprisoned 32 times between 1969 and 1996 and detained in 12 jails with the accompanying brutality by security operatives; incessant searches and seizure of international passport Gani still ordered, on his sick bed, the filing of an appeal at the Court of Appeal, Abuja to challenge the ruling of a Federal High Court, Abuja over his suit in which he contended that the appointment of Mrs. Farida Waziri as chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was invalid as Nuhu Ribadu, the former EFCC boss has not been removed from office.
With the death of this legendary political activist and human rights crusader, it is obvious that we are “only remembered by what we have done” and that for positive change to occur we all have contributions to make. Change does not just happen, neither is it thrust or foisted on a people; it has to be made to happen. Gain did not just wait for it to happen, he did something to engender positive change. Let us quit the ignoble role of armchair criticism and impact on our society. We might not have the privilege or opportunity of doing it in large scale like Chief Gani Fawehinmi but we can do something to make a difference.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
