Opinion
Addressing Almajiri Phenomenon
That great floods have flown from simple sources, or that big fleas grow from small fleas, are old idioms which remind us that disturbing social anormalies usually arise from small beginnings which we ignore, to our own detriment. Almajiri phenomenon which has to do with going cap-in-hand, street-to-street, begging for alms, may be a culture and approved in some religious circle, is a practice that must be brought to an end immediately. “Stop This Begging Attitude” – ref. The Tide of Friday, January 21, 2022 (Page 9), should include the almajiri culture.
Almajiri culture probably originated from the plight of street urchins and homeless destitutes whose conditions brought about an intervention by some religious leaders. Such street children and destitute persons were taken off the streets and kept under the custody of religious bodies that sought to rehabilitate them. In order to support their maintenance such helpless persons undertook some organised process of house-to-house begging for charity. Leaders of various begging groups would render accounts of what they got daily to the religious leaders responsible for their custody and feeding.
Especially on the days of worship, almajiri groups would be seen in some worship centres begging for alms which range from monetary gifts, to food items, clothings and drugs or insecticide and detergents. With time, there grew up some organised rehabilitation centres away from homes of individual religious leaders, and with various charitable organisations taking interest in and giving support for the maintenance of a growing number of destitute persons. This practice was predominant in Muslim communities.
Apart from street children with no one taking care of them, there were also some adults who were homeless or disabled, with pathetic physical conditions. Expectedly, public health became an issue arising from some of the destitute persons having some contagious and communicable diseases which must be checked from spreading. Thus, public health officials from local and external authorities got involved in the affairs of migrant begging groups, under the custody of religious organisations. Some individuals and groups who gave regular support to the almajiri beggers sought for some tax waivers in view of their humanitarian and charitable gestures.
From an informal, humanitarian practice almajiri phenomenon became a culture and way of life, whereby some individuals and groups sought to use it as a means of making some impact in the society. From record keeping of the number of indigent persons under one cluster, to the amount of money derived daily as charity and expenditure on feeding and medical needs, the almajiri affair became a unit under the scrutiny of various religious bodies. From abandoned children to helpless young mothers jilted by some randy men, the almajiri phenomenon became a rehabilitation activity demanding a wider support from humanitarian organisations, but little from government.
Obviously young persons grow into adults, whereby there is also expanded range of responsibilities. While young persons and disabled adults go into the streets begging for alms, able-bodied adults from the almajiri origin would have to engage in some other productive activities. Such productive engagements would range from shining and mending of shoes, to apprenticeship in other trades and menial jobs. Indoctrination and other mind-control programmes also featured as part of almajiri culture.
It would not be an exaggeration or hate speech to say that membership of extremist religious groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP etc, would have some relationship with the almajiri phenomenon. Available records of academic research studies on the alamjiri phenomenon (1975-2008) show that graduands from rehabilitation centres rarely fit into the society or locate their homes of origin. They may not go into a life of crime, but there is evidence of an indoctrinated mindset which places the root of their plight on the wider society, especially the distribution of social resources and good things of life.
Without pointing accusing fingers at religious teachers, sociological research works on almajiri phenomenon in Nigeria would suggest that “a mindset of aggression towards society” has some roots in “ideas dished out by clerics …” Perhaps there are religious preachers and teachers who would trace economic and moral ills of the society to “Western education and capitalism”. It is possible, in this regard, to say that Boko Haram ideology derives from this stone-throwing theology of Western education being responsible for the ills of humanity. There are preachers who say it openly that “Sharia Law is the solution” to the ills of humanity.
Wole Soyinka would say: “This, no honest men will deny: Man has failed the world or the world has failed mankind.. Then question further: What faiths and realms of values have controlled our earth till now?” The implication here is that the two dominant religions in Nigeria-Islam and Christianity-must bear much of the blames for the values and orientations that have failed to bring succour and right guidance to humanity, so far. Almajiri has its roots in religion, and so also Boko Haram, albeit with the intention to sanitise the society.
Unfortunately, the glaring reality is that existing religious dogmas, enlightenment and practices have not provided ideal succour to address the ills of humanity. The culture of begging, which includes tithes and donations, purportedly for the purpose of “doing God’s Work” has been grossly abused, corrupted and turned into an economic affair. Secular begging, ranging from “anything for the boys”, to contract inflation and budget padding, are various means of corruption. Religious begging would include the demands on adherents to “sow seeds” and make donations for the purpose of carrying out God’s work. These antics have been responsible for much abuses in religion.
Official begging which takes various forms of lobbying and hustles to inflate security votes have not only exposed the nation to avoidable vulnerability, but also opened doors for all forms of abuses and misuse of public funds. Mrs Ezeaku would draw our attention to the need to build a new ethos that would place emphasis on self-respect and dignity of labour. A reference was made to a National Ethics and Integrity Policy, as a part of Nigeria’s 60th Independence Anniversary celebration.
That Nigeria has core values as Human dignity, Patriotism and Personal Responsibility, Voice and Participation in nation-building, Integrity, National Unity and Professionalism, would mean that there are available guidelines for steering the nation in the right direction. To follow such right directions would not include sponsoring banditry, baking a national cake that requires ruthless rat-race to be consumed by a few clever hustlers, or using religion as a political and economic instrument, etc. The almajiri phenomenon is an indicator that the National Ethics and Integrity Policy exists merely. on paper.
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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